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人民之友工委会即将在2020年9月9日发表文章,对“喜来登”政变发生后的我国政治局势,提出具体意见,供全国致力于真正民主改革的各民族、各阶层人士参考,并愿意与同道们交流、共勉!

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Sahabat Rakyat akan mengemukakan pendapat khusus mengenai situasi politik di negara kita selepas "Rampasan kuasa Sheraton" pada 9 September 2020 untuk tatapan rakan semua bangsa dan semua strata yang komited terhadap reformasi demokratik tulen negara kita. Kami bersedia bertukar pendapat dan saling belajar dengan semua rakan-rakan sehaluan.

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Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

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人民之友恭祝各界2020新年进步、万事如意!在新的一年里,联合起来,坚持真正的民主改革! 丢掉幻想,阻止马哈迪主义复辟!

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人民之友18周年(2001—2019)纪念,举办一场邀请4名专人演讲的政治论坛和自由餐会,希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士,共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

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林清祥《答问》遗稿片段

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新加坡“5•13学生运动” 有/没有马共领导的争论【之一】与【之二】

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马来西亚民主改革的新阶段 / The New Phase of Democratic Reform in Malaysia / Fasa Baru Reformasi Demokratik di Malaysia

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人民之友为庆祝15周年(2001—2016)纪念,在2016年9月上旬发表了最近5年(2011—2016)工作报告(华、巫、英3种语文),并在9月25日在新山举办一场主题为“认清斗争敌友,埋葬巫统霸权”的论坛。

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人民之友16周年纪念,针对即将来临的全国大选发表专题文章,供给我国民间组织和民主人士参考,并接受我国各族人民民主改革实践检验。

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人民之友根据2017年9月24日发表的《人民之友 对我国第14届大选意见书 》的内容与精神以及半年来国内和国外的政治形势,对5月9日投票提出具体意见,供全国选民参考。

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《人民之友》2019年国际劳动节发表对2007年兴权会游行示威的重要领袖乌达雅古玛(Uthayakumar)的专访(第一部分)。这次专访的主题是:兴权会的主要斗争对象乃是马来霸权统治集团。

Sunday, 20 September 2020

郑钦亮《星洲网》专栏评论:马哈迪赛沙迪“分开玩”, 幻想2018年奇迹重演! / 郑丁贤《星洲网》专栏评论:小鲜肉和老男人的政治

郑钦亮<星洲网>专栏评论:
马哈迪赛沙迪"分开玩",
幻想2018年奇迹重演

 

本文是郑钦亮2020年9月18日发表在<星洲网>的专栏评论,原标题:老少新党的新幻想(以上插图与文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加),全文如下——

曾经小党掌大权的土团党,是希盟在百年一遇的变天中创造出来的政治奇迹。

那时他们有年纪最小的小鲜肉部长,和世界上年纪最大的老腊肉首相。

当时党内的大部分中选议员都被分配成为菜鸟部长和副部长,并留下了许多政治笑话。

这个近乎疯狂的神奇组合,一开始的确是马来西亚的政治美谈,甚至曾经成为全球的政治焦点。

2月"喜来登政变"中止了老少配传奇

然而,神奇组合引领风骚22个月后,喜来登政变中止了老少配传奇。

如今,在人们已经淡忘他们,希盟支持者已经对他们失望,以及他俩被土团党驱逐出党的时候,小鲜肉和老腊肉却分别组织了新党。

他俩同病却不相怜,不延续老少配反而一分为二,有可能有作为吗?

同样的老腊肉,同样的小鲜肉,在没有像2018年般卷起史上最大反风和反对党大联盟的效应辅助之下,要如何炒出一碟香喷喷的全新政权热饭?

目前的反对党阵容与规模,可能是史上最大也最混乱,但已经不是像当年土团党创立后的最强局面。

老腊肉小鲜肉"分开玩"会有作为吗?

当年的老马近乎是神,被塑造成变天的最大希望,但他上演的任性呈辞与后门全开以及22个月私心政绩,事实证明已经沦为大马改革路程的最大破坏者。

现在他再组织新党来幻想2018年奇迹重演,若是希盟还会与他合作,只能说是太敬老得过分与无知。

而赛沙迪的多元新党“民阵”,在创新党的路上与老马分开玩,至今没有任何迹象显示他们会成为第三势力,这种像民政党又像公正党的党结构,目前来看像是多余。 


 
郑丁贤<星洲网>专栏评论:
小鲜肉和老男人的政治


 

本文为郑丁贤2020年9月17日发表于<星洲网>的专栏评论,原标题:小鲜肉和老男人的政治。全文如下(以上插图和文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加)——

我远远不是赛沙迪的粉丝。我对他在朝22个月的表现,有很多的怀疑,譬如立场摇摆不定,绯闻和金钱事件缠身,以及经常在社交媒体搔首弄姿,展现肉体。

这是典型的小鲜肉。

当然,很多人也没有忘记,当印度传教士扎基尔奈克引起多元社会愤怒时,他却刻意邀请扎基尔到他家里,亲切地共进晚餐。

然而,最让人介怀的是他和马哈迪的关系。他获得老马破格提拔,成为史上最年轻的部长;而他回报以忠贞的效忠,对老爷子言听计从,乃至外界都以cucu来称呼他。

赛沙迪没有展现过其改革理念和思维

他很年轻,但是,过去,他没有展现让人耳目一新的政治理念,也没有创新和改革的政治思维。

抱歉,我对他的印象,就是一个《小鲜肉从政记》。一个幸运的年轻人,在对的时间,遇上了贵人,带着他闯荡江湖,然后是鲤鱼跃龙门,一步登天。

当然,最终他从云端上掉了下来,摔得很重。我的意思是,希盟失去政权之后,他失去了近乎一切。

然而,我不是在这里唱衰他。相反的,他成立新的政党MUDA(民阵),公平的说,可以给他一个机会,表现他不再是cucu,也不是小鲜肉。

我不准备为这个新政党做不着边际,不负责任的吹棒。不管赛沙迪说得如何好听,他和他的政党,需要时间的考验,以及人民的检验,以应证这是一个有理想的革新行动。

对赛沙迪成立新党,有两种不同看法

不管怎样,赛沙迪成立新党,而不是加入斗士党,和几个过气的老男人一起沉沦,值得一提。

不过,也有人认为,Cucu和Atok不是论是感情,或是利益,都已经是一体,不可能切割;之所以成立民阵,其实是和老马里应外合,各做各的戏;民阵只是一个外围组织,目的是为老马的斗士党争取非土著和年轻人的选票。

是否如此?目前阶段无法判断。赛沙迪要证明他摆脱Atok,需要靠他和民阵的实际表现。

如果赛沙迪的确是汲取了经验和教训,看清楚了大马老男人政治的可悲和无望,而决定脱离一群老男人,那么,不论日后是成是败,他算对得起自己和支持者。

几十年来的政治都被一群老男人操弄

而我说的老男人政治,不只是指95高龄的马哈迪,而也包括其它的政党。正确来说,包括巫统、土团、公正党、行动党、伊斯兰党等等。

放眼看去,这些政党的高层(不管是台前或幕后),哪一个不是老男人把持?哪一个不是从上一个世纪,斗到这个世纪?哪一个的口号,不是喊了几十年?又有哪一个,不是为了争夺首相和执政而存在?

还有,哪一个不曾改变过原则和立场?过去的盟友是今天的敌人,之前的敌人又可以成为今天的盟友。所谓的承诺和理想,只是玩弄人民的用过即丢的套套。

可悲的,不管支持哪一方,票投给哪一个,始终都被这群老男人操弄。连希盟的垮台,赛沙迪自己都说,是因为一群老人的内斗。

Cucu经此磨练,不知是否可以长大成熟,不再是小鲜肉,也不要依靠老男人。#

  
 

Friday, 18 September 2020

崔天凯对话鲍尔森: 美国一些人试图突破"红线", 这将带来严重后果!

崔天凯对话鲍尔森:
美国一些人试图突破"红线",
这将带来严重后果!


▲美国前财长鲍尔森(左) 与中国驻美大使崔天凯(右)


中国驻美国大使馆网站9月17日发布《崔天凯大使应邀接受美国前财长鲍尔森“对话鲍尔森”节目专访(实录)》。

8月28日,崔天凯大使应邀参加美国前财长鲍尔森主持的“对话鲍尔森”播客访谈节目,重点就当前中美关系、两国经贸合作、国际治理、中国经济形势等问题进行交流互动。有关访谈内容已于9月14日对外播出。全文实录如下:

鲍尔森:大使先生,欢迎来到播客访谈节目。去年是美中建交40周年。很显然,未来40年的美中关系将会变得大为不同。目前,我们两国经济占全球经济总量的35%左右,还是全球军费支出最多的国家。我们都是雄心勃勃、具有竞争力的国家。因此,全世界都在关注美中两国如何相处或针锋相对。在双边关系紧张时刻担任中国驻美大使,你的工作并不轻松。我一直很尊重你的专业精神和沉着冷静,尊重你代表中国政府努力了解美方对两国关系看法并寻求共识的努力。首先,我想从你如何开始个人职业生涯这个问题谈起。你生于1952年。中国1978年开始实行改革开放时,你二十多岁,见证了许多中国现代化的进程。你是如何成为一名外交官的?你的外交职业生涯是如何开始的?你在不同时期是如何受到身边事物影响的?

崔大使:首先,很高兴同财长先生再次交流,也感谢你邀请我参加此次访谈节目。当中国开始实行改革开放时,我二十多岁。在此之前,我经历了文革的动荡岁月,中学没毕业就离开家乡到紧临中苏边境的黑龙江农村插队,在那里种植大豆和小麦5年多。这段经历让我对中国农村和贫困问题有了深入了解,也对国家真正需要什么有了深刻认识。我们这代人很幸运,大部分工作时间处于改革开放年代,并始终相信自己的国家处于正确的发展方向。我们的历史使命就是全力以赴实现现代化目标,为国家和人民作贡献。同样幸运的是,我有机会到美国工作和学习。从某种意义上讲,我个人在中美两国都有一些经历,这让我对中美如何处理两国关系、对彼此有何需求、如何相互学习有了更好的理解。我的外交职业生涯的开始或多或少与我的好奇心有关。我一直对国际问题、世界局势以及相关问题很感兴趣。这也是我在上世纪70年代末被联合国译训班录取的原因,那时中国刚刚开始改革开放。80年代初,我成为一名联合国译员并在纽约总部工作。那是我第一次出国。

鲍尔森:有趣的是,我所尊敬的人在各行各业有不少,但他们都有一个共同点,那就是求知欲。正是求知欲和真正的勇气促使人们走出国门、体验不同文化。我2009年离开财政部时,开始撰写《峭壁边缘:拯救世界金融之路》这本书,在约翰斯·霍普金斯大学高级国际问题研究院待了1年时间。这也是你曾经学习并获得优异成绩的地方。这段经历是如何影响你对美国看法的?

崔大使:对我而言,那是一段独特的经历。我至今对约翰斯•霍普金斯大学和我的美国教授们心怀感激。在此之前,我已在联合国工作过几年时间。但这两段经历很不一样。作为学生,我可以更近距离地接触美国人民和社会,还有机会更系统地学习美国国情、外交政策特别是对华政策,我也学了一些经济学课程,这对我整个外交生涯都十分有益。当然,我后来也发现有些课堂上学的知识未必能用到社会实践中。

鲍尔森:你说得太对了。目前,美中关系处于低点。在美国国会共和、民主两党提出的四百多项议案正在挑战中国,这种对华强硬政策得到两党一致支持。中国的经济实力日益增长,自然带来地缘政治上的雄心。从某种程度上讲,美中关系的变化是必然的。坦率地讲,我认为中方所作所为在某种程度上导致了这些变化。长期以来,我一直说中国需要进一步扩大开放,更快地适应来自外国企业的竞争,更好地保护知识产权。我们还应共同应对挑战,引领国际治理体系改革,使之在当今世界更为有效。我们双方还面临一系列棘手的战略安全和政治热点等分歧,如台湾、香港、南海、科技等问题。我们过去已就此讨论很多,今天不讨论这些具体问题,最好把时间用到展望未来上。我想问一个基本的问题,中方对构建美中建设性关系的目标和优先事项是什么?

崔大使:中国外交政策是基于自身国家利益而制定的,在当今世界通过发展同各国关系来维护和促进国家利益、满足人民需要。在此背景下,中国对美政策是明确、一致、连贯的。如你所说,去年是中美建交40周年,明年是基辛格博士秘密访华50周年。我们可以清晰地看到,中国自始至终希望同美方发展建设性合作关系,而非对抗关系,希望双边关系建立在相互尊重、相互理解、照顾彼此关切、互利互惠的基础之上。这就是自尼克松总统和基辛格博士访华以来中美关系的本质,从未发生根本改变。同时,中美关系也发生了很大变化,变得更丰富、更深入、更复杂、更全面。双方在很多早年难以想象的领域开展了合作。比如,你任财长期间中美共同倡导了二十国集团的进程,以有效应对国际金融危机,这在尼克松时代是不可想象的。我们还共同应对气候变化、打击恐怖主义、抗击埃博拉病毒等传染病。在抗击新冠肺炎疫情方面,中美两国省州和城市之间、企业之间、机构之间也开展了良好合作。总之,我们之间已开拓了越来越多的合作领域,同时以建设性方式妥善处理分歧。实事求是地讲,中美之间的一些分歧将长期存在。我们必须承认,由于历史文化传统、政治和经济制度等差异,中美之间难免存在分歧。但我们必须以建设性方式妥善处理这些分歧。我们必须始终牢记,中美共同利益远大于分歧。中美两国面临诸多全球性挑战,无论是气候变化还是传染病、自然灾害,中美均无法独力应对。在应对全球性挑战方面,中美应携手合作而不是相互对抗,这是国际社会的普遍期待,也是两国最大的共同利益。

坦率地讲,我们之间有很多分歧,包括你刚才提到的台湾、涉港、涉疆、南海等问题,如果大家看看地图,就会发现这些问题要么涉及中国领土,要么处于中国周边,没有一个靠近美国,更不在美国领土范围之内。对中方而言,这些问题事关中国主权、领土完整和国家统一。有时我们觉得不可思议,为什么这些问题会成为中美之间的问题?因为这些问题明明都是中国的内政。在中国人民实现现代化目标进程中,我们必须解决领土完整和国家统一问题,这都是中国自己的事情。正如我刚才所言,中美关系确实复杂,有时在一些问题上存在分歧。幸运的是,我们双方长期以来很好地管控了分歧。但当前形势令人担忧甚至警惕,美国一些人试图突破“红线”,这将带来严重后果。我希望人们能从过去几十年的历史中吸取经验和教训。

鲍尔森:大使先生,感谢你全面的回答。我想谈两点:一是你刚才谈到的香港以及其他涉及主权的问题,美国国内对此存在各种不同看法。美方理解中国对香港拥有主权,但往往会说中方是否违反了所签署的协议?美中两国存在的分歧确实很难消除,当前重要的是你们和美方官员和高层保持经常性对话,因为当前美中关系处于非常困难的时期,有些问题如你所说很难解决。二是你刚才所谈让我想起2008年国际金融危机期间的情形,那种情况在二三十年前是不可想象的。我曾说过,如果美中没有建设性关系、我没有及时同中方同事通上电话,世界将大为不同。危机期间的协调合作至关重要。金融危机后,美中两国和其他主要经济体成立二十国集团,中方实施的大规模财政刺激计划发挥重要作用,帮助世界经济走出衰退。这成为美中合作的成功范例。接下来我想谈谈中国经济。中国率先控制住疫情,实现经济快速复苏。近日,习近平主席宣布了聚焦刺激国内消费的“内循环发展模式”。很多美国人都在问,中方这种强调经济自力更生的理念是否可能意味着要与全球经济脱节?从某种程度上讲,这是否意味着中国将改变过去40多年的改革开放政策?

崔大使:当前形势下,世界各国当务之急是克服新冠肺炎疫情所带来的困难,并且尽快重启和恢复经济。中方积极致力于此。截至目前,我们已经有了一些好消息,中国经济增长正在恢复。同时,我们认为要化危为机,通过加快和深化发展模式转变,致力于实现经济从高速增长向高质量发展转变,更加有效保护环境和推进减贫工作。我们当前所做工作都是恢复经济增长、实现经济稳定和可持续发展的重要一环。明年,中国将开启国民经济和社会发展的第十四个五年规划。我们的工作重点是清晰的,那就是推动形成以国内大循环为主体、国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局。这并不意味着中方将关闭开放的大门,也不是封闭的国内单循环。实际上,中国对外开放水平将会越来越高。关于自力更生,这一理念始终贯穿于新中国成立70多年、改革开放40多年的发展历程。在这方面,有人说中国之所以能够成为世界第二大经济体,是靠占他国便宜、窃取他国技术来实现的。这种说法对中国人民很不公平。你很了解中国和中国人民,中国人民勤劳且富有创新精神。我们明白,作为拥有14亿人口的大国,中国必须自力更生,否则不可能实现发展。中国始终有自力更生精神,这并不意味着中国将闭关锁国。中国开放的大门只会越开越大,因为双循环发展格局真正目标是充分发挥国内市场潜力,让市场经济运行得更加高效。因此,国内循环和国际循环是相互促进的关系。实际上,包括美国企业在内的外国企业在华经营多年,早已成为中国国内循环和市场的一部分。通过聚焦国内循环和市场,他们将在中国拥有更加广阔的发展前景。同时,外国企业也是连接国内循环和国际循环的天然纽带,将迎来更多发展机遇。我希望他们能抓住这些机遇。

鲍尔森:你所谈让我回想起2006-2008年我任美国财长的那段时光,我们双方成立了美中战略经济对话机制,当时我们(在经济轨)集中讨论两个问题,一个是汇率改革问题,希望人民币汇率未来不被低估且更能反映市场供求,第二个是中国经济再平衡问题。当时中国产能过剩且储蓄多、消费少,消费仅占中国经济的10%。我们当时鼓励中方减少生产、刺激消费。时至今天,这两个问题都取得重要进展,我认为这是值得一提的。现在我们谈下国际协调与合作的问题。国际社会未能在应对新冠肺炎疫情上开展合作是个重大遗憾。有人认为,我们如不能在疫情上开展合作,还能在哪些领域开展合作呢?当前,世界各国在最需要合作的时候却越来越缺乏集体行动的能力,无论是应对疫情、推动经济复苏、解决贸易问题,还是应对气候变化、防止核扩散。我想再次展望未来,请问中方是否愿推动解决上述问题,为推动世贸组织等国际治理体系改革而作出努力?

崔大使:很显然,我们需要在各个领域推进国际治理。在21世纪的前20年,我们至少经历了三场国际危机:“9·11”恐袭事件、2008年国际金融危机和现在的新冠肺炎疫情。这些都是全球性挑战,没有哪个可以用传统意义的大国竞争“工具箱”予以解决。相反,上述挑战都在提醒我们,需要推进全球治理,加强国际合作。中方积极支持所有加强国际治理体系应对能力和有效性的努力,不仅为应对当前挑战,而且要防范未来新的挑战,中国愿为此贡献力量。这需要所有国家的共同参与和积极贡献,特别是中美这样大国的参与。中美两国对世界负有共同责任,那就是应带头开展合作,共同发起、支持和促进国际合作,积极应对所有挑战。当然,国际治理体系改革要考虑到所有成员国的实际需求和真实想法。我真诚希望我们能在应对疫情方面做得更好。我们需要携手合作。正如你所说,展望未来,后疫情时代将是什么样子的?需要我们做什么、开展哪些合作?我们需要向前看,提早规划,始终坚持合作理念,而不是对抗思维。

鲍尔森:你说得很好,如果我们做不到这些,世界将变成一个困难和危险重重的地方。如果我们真的关心国际秩序、和平与稳定,我们还有很多工作要做。接下来我们要谈到贸易和科技“脱钩”问题,这是个很棘手的问题。当前已经出现美中贸易和资金往来“脱钩”所带来的显著压力。毫无疑问,这种情况还将继续在一定程度和范围内存在。问题是,这种情况将发展到什么程度?我想提一个棘手的问题,你如何看待美国高科技企业对中国市场开放空间十分有限而感到沮丧的问题?

崔大使:过去四十多年来,中国积极实行改革开放,这是中方的基本国策,没有改变也不会改变。即使在遭受疫情严重冲击情况下,中方在过去几个月里出台了一系列改革开放新举措。例如,《外商投资法》于今年1月1日正式实施,进一步增强了外资企业在华发展的预期和信心,中国依然吸引了大量外资。今年6月,中国颁布了2020年版外商投资准入负面清单和自贸区负面清单,而且清单越来越短。6月,中方还发布《海南自由贸易港建设总体方案》,首次在官方文件中提出零关税、零壁垒目标。总之,中方正竭尽全力深化改革、扩大开放,绝不会放弃。对于包括美国企业在内的外国企业而言,这将给他们带来更多市场准入、更好发展机遇和可预测性。然而,真正的挑战是,在中国坚持提高开放水平的时候,有些国家却在想方设法设置障碍,他们针对TikTok(抖音国际版)、Wechat(微信国际版)、华为等设置各种壁垒。这才是我们的真正挑战。在我们开门迎客时,他们却在筑墙挡人。我们应该怎么办呢?

鲍尔森:科技应该是美中之间最麻烦的领域。经贸关系本来可以缓解美中之间的安全竞争关系,但现实是安全竞争扩散到经贸领域,科技成为焦点。问题是我们在国家安全问题上还会走多远。这是最困难的问题。为了让问题变得更加容易解决,对于美方最具竞争力的能源、农业、金融等行业,中方是否会继续对美开放市场?

崔大使:答案是肯定的。实际上,近年来中方在金融领域出台一系列开放新举措,包括取消外资在金融服务业投资的相关限制等。对于很多美高科技企业而言,他们都在增加在华投资和运营规模。特斯拉在华设厂就是一个很好的例子。他们看到了中国市场潜力,希望成为中国经济增长的一部分,希望成为中国经济的参与者、贡献者和受益者。中方对此表示欢迎,并为外国企业提供更好投资环境、法律制度。

关于国家安全问题,任何国家都会有国家安全问题,这并非新问题。很多人一直关心国家安全问题,这个问题不是突然冒出来的。回顾过去四五十年历史,中美双方在深化和拓展双边关系的同时都妥善处理了国家安全问题。我不认为中美双方的国家安全利益因双边关系发展而受损。实际上,发展双边关系有利于国家安全。如果彼此交流越来越多,双方就能更好相互理解,知道对方是如何思考的、对方的思维方式以及对方优势和弱项。这样你才知道同对方如何打交道、如何降低风险、如何促进互惠合作。这应是我们从过去四、五十年历史吸取的宝贵经验,为什么要改变它呢?

鲍尔森:你的回答非常睿智。显然,中国发生很大变化,美国和世界也发生了变化,新的国际安全问题不断涌现。但问题的关键是理解和对话,弄清楚哪些方面能达成共识,哪些方面存在分歧,哪些地方存在潜在冲突,如何有效避免冲突,防止局势失控,我认为这些问题特别重要。你担任中国驻美大使已7年多时间,见证了很多事情,包括美中共同推动达成应对气候变化的《巴黎协定》、奥巴马政府过渡到特朗普政府、美中元首海湖庄园会晤、艰苦的美中经贸谈判等。我曾看到你在椭圆形办公室同特朗普总统、刘鹤副总理站在一起,也看到当前双边关系恶化的危险态势。回顾7年任期,你最大的遗憾是什么?

崔大使:关于国家安全问题,我想补充一点,每个国家关心自身国家安全合情合理,但我们要小心不要被毫无根据的恐惧、猜疑、仇恨等情绪所误导、蒙蔽,甚至落入陷阱。如果这样的话,每个人都不会感到安全,这与维护国家安全的初衷背道而驰。

关于出任驻美大使7年之久的经历,我必须承认到任时并未想到会干这么长时间。当前中美关系处于关键时刻,我为能继续服务中美关系而深感荣幸。这很可能是我外交生涯最后一任常驻,然而当前中美关系面临巨大挑战。我为能在此继续履行使命、应对挑战而深感荣幸。我将全力以赴,不负祖国和人民重托,也不辜负美各界朋友的期望。我愿同美各界人士共同努力,推动中美关系早日重回正轨。

鲍尔森:回顾这段经历,你最满意的是什么?

崔大使:我认为我有幸见证了这么多历史时刻。我参与了几乎所有中美两国元首的会晤,包括习主席和奥巴马总统的会晤、习主席和特朗普总统的会晤,亲身感受到中美两国元首是如何互动交流的、双方共识是如何引领中美关系向前发展的。正如我们常说的,总要对自己提出更高目标、设定更高标准。我将继续尽己所能做好这些事情。

鲍尔森:展望未来,美中关系是否有什么问题让你辗转反侧、难以入眠?你认为未来美中两国最大风险和最大机遇是什么?

崔大使:我现在入睡前经常问自己,二三十年后的历史学家将如何评判我们?我们是否做出了正确的选择、是否为中美关系发展而不遗余力?我经常拿这些问题问自己。展望未来,我们面临着强化中美合作、构建更加强劲双边关系的巨大机遇。首先是要合作抗击疫情,合作研发疫苗和治疗药物,努力拯救生命,保障民生和就业,恢复经济增长,恢复世人对未来经济发展前景的信心。其次,双方还要恢复在气候变化等全球性挑战和朝核、伊朗核等地区热点问题上的协调与合作。只要双方有足够的政治意愿,中美合作就大有可为。

鲍尔森:你说的很对,这确实需要我们有足够的政治意愿。感谢崔大使接受此次访谈。我想告诉你,十分感谢你在如此困难且重要的时刻在这个国家坚守岗位,也感谢你今天所分享的一切。

崔大使:感谢财长先生所给予的访谈机会。

Thursday, 17 September 2020

关闭使馆后,再撤回驻华大使, 美此举是变相降级外交关系?

   关闭使馆后,再撤回驻华大使,
美此举是变相降级外交关系?

作者 / 来源:郭宇男 / 搜狐号@排头兵
 
▲ 即将卸任的美国驻华大使布兰斯塔德(Terry Edward Branstad)

原标题:关闭使馆后,美再撤回驻华大使,中国从未怕过美国任何举动

在中美军事、外交关系持续紧绷之际,美国驻中国大使馆9月14日证实,美国驻华大使布兰斯塔德将于10月初卸任,并将于11月美国总统大选前离开北京。同日,美国务卿蓬佩奥在推特发文感谢布兰斯塔德过去3年的努力。由于正值两国关系紧张加剧之际,美方此举被解读为另类“召回”大使。有分析称,美国此举可能变相将中美外交关系降至“代办级”,估计美国政府在大选前不会任命新大使赴北京。

蓬佩奥再一次上演"对华不友善"的戏码

美国国务卿蓬佩奥9月14日一早发推文说,“感谢布兰斯塔德为平衡美中关系作出贡献,令两国关系变得互惠互利、公正,为美国未来数十年的亚太地区外交政策,带来持久及积极的影响。”

蓬佩奥指出,美国总统特朗普之所以选择布兰斯塔德出任驻中国大使,是因为看重他在公共政策、贸易和农业方面的经验,还有与中国早前交流时建立的感情。不过,蓬佩奥并未说明布兰斯塔德去职的原因,也没有宣布可能的继任人选。据称,布兰斯塔德大使离开北京后将返回美国爱荷华州。

其实,蓬佩奥违反外交惯例通过社交媒体而不是外交渠道披露布兰斯塔德卸任的消息,这其实是“变相召回大使”的举措。有分析认为,这意味着美国政府继7月突然命令中国驻休斯顿使馆关闭后,再一次发动单方面、不友善的外交举措。如果布兰斯塔德离任后,美方刻意不递补人选,甚至进一步采取其他措施撤离其他使馆人员,那将意味着美对华外交战进一步升级。

中国外交部9月14日召开例行记者会,被问及是否收到布兰斯塔德离任的消息时,发言人汪文斌表示,“注意到美方发布的有关推特,尚未收到布兰斯塔德将卸任的通知”。

有分析认为,中国外交部不知道美驻华大使即将卸任这件事,未来两个月可能都会没有美国驻华大使,这将是中国和美国建交以来前所未见的时刻。

▲ 2019年5月布兰斯塔德与妻子在西藏拉萨的布达拉宫时合影

布兰斯塔德撰文指责中国是导火索吗?

布兰斯塔德的任命起初受到了北京的欢迎,中国称他是中国人民的“老朋友”。

在布兰斯塔德的任期内,美中关系进入了近代史上最艰难的时期之一。自上任以来,作为一场长期贸易战的—部分,特明普政府对数千亿美元的中国商品加征关税。美国政府还禁止华为等中国技术公司参与美国的通信基础设施建设,禁止中企获得美国零部件,并加强了对在美工作的中国国家媒体记者的签证限制。

近日,布兰斯塔德撰文指责中国近几十年来“利用了”美国的开放政策。《人民日报》因其“与事实严重不符”而拒绝发表该评论文章。

中方说,《人民日报》完全有权决定是否刊发及何时刊发投稿,完全有权对投稿作必要修改和编辑,也完全有权拒绝刊发有明显事实错误和充满偏见的文章。

布兰斯塔德在离任声明中强调,美方正在重新平衡美中关系,以使其公平、对等,并能在两国都推动积极增长。离任之时,我和到任时一样乐观。我在中国遇到了非常多了不起的人。我太太和我永远不会忘记你们的热情好客。

▲ 布兰斯塔德及家人

不想当替罪羊,还是回去替特朗普拉票?

《环球时报》总编辑胡锡进猜测,布兰斯塔德可能不想当作毁坏美中关系的替罪羊,但更不排除是为返回爱荷华州为特朗普岌岌可危的选情固票。

胡锡进分析称,美国一般都是在大选之后调换驻外大使,现在换走布兰斯塔德,显得很突然。他任职驻华大使的这三年是中美关系最为恶化的三年,他处在了一个非常尴尬的位置上。

胡锡进认为,他不太相信在中美关系断崖式跌落的过程中,布兰斯塔德大使扮演了推动角色。美国对华政策的急剧逆转显然是华盛顿直接敲定的,他的可作为空间也很小。他说,布兰斯塔德来中国前是爱荷华州长,那是美国的农业州,与中国关系密切。布兰斯塔德来华后,行事比较低调,在中国接触到布兰斯塔德的人,对他个人的印象大多不错。现在还不清楚是布兰斯塔德本人提出辞去驻华大使职务,还是华盛顿直接免的他,有学者分析,前一种可能性更大。如果是那样,也许是他不想做特朗普政府毁掉中美关系的替罪羊。当然,也不排除特朗普调他回去拉票。

特朗普将会加深"强硬应对中国"的形象

而召回美驻华大使,这对于在竞选中将“打压中国”视为竞选策略的特朗普来说,无疑是向选民展示他继续向中国施压示强的举动,是向中国展示不友好姿态,不过,这符合他向美国民众灌输的“如果大选输给拜登,中国就拥有美国”的政治言论。

特朗普目前的民调仍然落后于拜登,在多个关键摇摆州都是落后状态。美国多家媒体表示,特朗普在落后的形势下可能会剑走偏锋,越来越恶毒。可以预见,特朗普为扳回颓势,将会继续加深“强硬应对中国”的形象,而中国从未惧怕过美国对华出台的任何破坏性举措。#

美国驻华大使决心离任, 美中关系恶化无望逆转!

美国驻华大使决心离任,
美中关系恶化无望逆转!

作者 / 来源:丁咚 / <多维新闻>

美国现任驻华大使布兰斯塔德(Terry Edward Branstad)即将辞职。(Reuters)

本文作者丁咚为中国国际问题研究者,<多维新闻>经作者授权转发自微信公众号“望远楼”,原标题:美驻华大使决心离任,美中关系前景再蒙阴影。全文如下(文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加)——

正当国际舆论对美国现任驻华大使布兰斯塔德即将辞职的消息传得沸沸扬扬的时候,彭博社刚刚援引美国驻华大使馆的消息称,布兰斯塔德确定离任。

从离任消息传开到驻华使馆证实,前后只有一天时间,看上去是一项仓促的决定——抑或早有此意,只是由于某个突出事件触发了布兰斯塔德的决定。

就在其离任消息证实前不久,有关他的一篇文章被《人民日报》拒绝刊载的消息,公开披露于媒体,从而引发了两国新一轮外交口水战。

布兰斯塔德是"驻华大使最好人选"

由于众所周知的原因,布兰斯塔德曾被认为是美国驻华大使最好的人选。然而在中美关系近年来急剧恶化的情况下,这个职位带来的挑战异乎寻常。

对于布兰斯塔德离职,尚未披露相关原因。其本人的离职感言看上去比较“外交辞令”。

也许从他的顶头上司——国务卿蓬佩奥(Michael Pompeo)在社交媒体的话中可以寻找些蛛丝马迹。

他在其中一条推文中说,“特朗普(Donald Trump)总统之所以选择布兰斯塔德大使,是因为他数十年与中国打交道的经验让它成为代表美国政府并在这一重要关系中捍卫美国利益和理想的最佳人选”。

在另一则推文中,蓬佩奥称,布兰斯塔德大使为重新平衡中美关系作出了贡献,“这将对美国未来几十年在亚太地区的外交政策产生持久、积极的影响。”

尽管布兰斯塔德大使与中国具有特殊联系,然而在其任职的三年多时间里,正是美中关系结束“建设性接触”转向全面战略竞争、甚至全面次冷战的关键时期,按照蓬佩奥的说法,他出色地执行了特朗普政府的对华政策,为美国对华政策的转变发挥了重要作用。

这就与其和中国特殊联系的背景产生了矛盾甚至冲突,类似于一个处于夹缝中的角色,在美中之间游走、说项,在一些情况下可能难以做到两全其美,以至两边受责,身累、心累,促使其在特朗普总统任满数月之前,就急不可待地辞去大使职务。

驻华使馆发出布氏离任的新闻声明

美国大使馆9月14日发表声明,证实布兰斯塔德将离任。(美国驻华大使馆官网截图)

无论怎么说,布兰斯塔德在“文章被拒事件”引发外交口水战、离特朗普总统第一任期结束尚有时日的时刻,突然离职,是不正常且不同寻常的。

美中关系恶化趋势不可逆转的标志

这一事件具有重要象征意义:一个比任何人都更好的大使人选,却无法“遏制”或“阻止”双边关系演进势头,意味着没有任何别人可以做到,同样地,布兰斯塔德的离职是美中关系恶化趋势不可逆转的标志性事态。

就在布兰斯塔德离职的时候,美国政府已经决意实质深度推动以抗中为主题的“印太战略”的制度化、机制化、具体化和行动常态化,包括构建以美日印澳民主联盟为核心、印太盟友和伙伴国家为拱卫的战略协调机制,以四国联合军演为起步、从双边到多边的军事合作机制,以及自由开放的经济合作机制、高标准的基础设施投资机制等等工作,正在有条不紊地强化推进,更重要的是,首次获得美国之外的三大国的一致呼应。

而中国国内对“反华”代表人物蓬佩奥的批评亦升级到前所未有的高度,从“人类公敌”、“三姓家奴”到“肥猪蓬”的定性、定位,都寓意两国关系——至少在特朗普继续执政情况下——难以好转,事实是,无论谁担任以后的美国总统,两国关系当前状况都很难改变,区别仅仅在于方式方法——这从美国国会的所有涉华法案都得到两党一致的支持可知。

从这个意义上讲,布兰斯塔德的离任具有震撼性,我在此前有关中美还有机会的观点,正受到越来越强劲的现实挑战。他的回国,将为两国关系蒙上更深的阴影,并使改善的希望愈加稀薄。#

云天恩<东方网>专栏评论: 拷问"马来西亚计划"

云天恩<东方网>专栏评论:
 拷问"马来西亚计划"


东方网发布于 2020年09月16日 06时00分


本文是云天恩2020年9月16日发表于<东方网>的专栏评论,原标题:拷问马来西亚计划。

<东方网>介绍,云氏为自由撰稿人。90后,毕业于拉曼大学中文系,阅读兴趣涵盖历史与哲学。

以下是全文内容——

为何要成立马来西亚?官方的解释其实继承自当时东姑提出马来西亚计划的立场:一是为了反共,二是以大马计划为北婆(今沙巴)、砂拉越、汶莱和新加坡争取独立,三则是为了平衡种族人口的比例。虽然历史教科书是这么写的,但是,有些官方的论点可能经不起史学的推敲。

虽然在冷战背景下,为了保障人类文明和议会民主健全发展,抵御共产主义的渗透和扩张是第一要务,当然,世上也存在不少假“反共”之名而行的恶行。

此外,大马的成立,真的是为了替这些地方争取独立吗?还是要在英美的保护伞下发展内部殖民?回顾当时的国际局势,其实老牌殖民帝国之间互换殖民地,或支持刚独立的新国家并吞其他政治实体都是常事。这也难怪时任印尼总统苏卡诺会认为大马计划是西方殖民者主导的新殖民模式,并以武装挑衅和支持汶莱人民党的叛乱来阻扰此计划。

东马遭受"内部殖民"

当时北婆和砂拉越人民加入大马计划的真实意愿至今成谜,毕竟当时两邦内陆地区的交通和通讯都不发达,人民的文化水平也不高,试问,葛波调查团所谓两邦“2/3”的人民同意加入大马是如何办到的?即使同意了,又是在何种情况下同意的?为何葛波调查团是以走访城镇、办听证会和面谈的形式进行调查而非以公投的形式让此两地人民行使“住民自决”的权利呢?这些疑点都待进一步讨论。

据学者黄进发的《共业》指出,大马成立后,沙、砂两州都经历了马来亚不同程度的内部殖民。值得一提的是当时汶莱苏丹最终因石油税收的自主权和其苏丹的地位问题而拒绝加入,才由此避开了后来被内部殖民的命运。

重新思考东西马关系

东姑推动大马计划还有一个很苍白的论点,那就是他认为各邦的历史轨迹、民族结构有相似之处,所以可以凑成一块。当然,各邦文化上也许相似,但是沙、砂两邦的历史轨迹却截然不同,在西方殖民扩张之前,半岛和东马的朝代更迭是在各自的土地上平行演变的,没有交点,两地经历英国殖民只能勉强算是相似之处,但是,即使在英殖民的框架下,双方的历史轨迹也是平行发展的,半岛出现过海峡殖民地、马来属邦和马来联邦等政治实体,殖民东马的则是白人拉惹和北婆渣打公司。

由此可见沙巴和砂拉越并非自古以来属大马,东马、西马和新加坡的结合是在1963年,也正是在那一年,“马来西亚”被发明了。

如今大马政局多变,9月更适逢沙巴州选举,我们也该重新思考西马和东马的关系。大马成立的历史说明,执政者可以基于政治目的兼并土地和人民,历史也是由执政者和胜利者书写的,我们虽改变不了过去,但是可以透过和历史对话去思考我们的未来。#

郑丁贤<星洲网>专栏评论: 卡达山再也無英雄

郑丁贤<星洲网>专栏评论:
卡达山再也無英雄


当下沙巴卡达山政党众多,却没有一个强大的具有代表性的族群政党。沙巴卡达山人自己承认“卡达山人如今已经没有代表性的政治领袖”。

本文是郑丁贤2020年9月15日发表在<星洲网>的专栏文章,原标题:卡达山再也无英雄,以下是全文内容(上图和说明以及文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加)——

我传了一则简讯给熟悉沙巴政治的卡达山友人,问道:

“卡达山族群目前最有影响力的政治领袖是:

(1)麦西慕──沙巴团结党(Maximus Ongkili,PBS);
(2)杰菲里吉丁岸──立新党(Jeffrey Kitingan,STAR) ;
(3)达勒雷京──民兴党(Darell Leiking,Warisan);
(4)马迪乌斯──民统(Wilfred Madius Tangau, UPKO);
(5)拜林吉丁岸──沙巴团结党(Pairin Kitingan, PBS);
(6)其他。

他的回讯是:

“以上都不是,卡达山人已经没有代表性的政治领袖”。

他的答复,和我心里所想的是答案是一致的。

拜林晚节不保,团结党繁花落尽

沙巴政治,分为两大一小,两大块分别是马来穆斯林,以及卡达山原住民,比例约为5:4;小块则是华裔,比重不足一成。

当沙巴马来穆斯林分裂,沙菲益的民兴党占了一半,巫统土团占另一半,势均力敌之下,卡达山选区的趋向,将决定了沙巴江山的归属。

如果卡达山族群在这个历史性时刻,能够团结一致,他们不仅可以成为造王者,甚至可以自己成王。就如1985年,当人民党和沙统对立时,拜林发动“担布南精神”,带动卡达山人大团结,成立团结党,一举拿下沙巴政权。拜林也戴上Huguan Siou卡达山精神领袖的光环。

只是,拜林已老(有人说晚节不保),团结党繁花落尽;卡达山再也没有领袖,也没有一个强大的族群政党。

卡达山人政党众多,让人眼花缭乱

如今,卡达山政党比马来政党更多,也更小;卡达山族群比穆斯林更加分散,或是分裂。

以卡达山人为对象,强调卡达山精神的政党,让人眼花缭乱;争着出位,要当卡达山盟主的政治人物,前仆后继。

他们都把这次州选当成一个黄金机会,试图脱颖而出,或是卷土重来。

正因如此,447个候选人之中,卡达山人占了很大部分;而各选区出现政党混战,也以卡达山政党居多。

譬如,国盟和国阵组成“沙巴人民联盟(沙盟)”,出发点是以单一团队,对抗民兴党+。

沙盟成员之中,沙巴人民团结党(PBRS)是国阵成员党,立新党(STAR)是国盟成员党,沙巴团结党(PBS)则是国盟友好政党。

看不到卡达山政党或领袖成为主导

它们的对手应该是民兴党(Warisan),以及民兴党+的民统(UPKO),和公正党(PKR)。

只是,提名之后,沙盟成员竟然在17个选区,出现候选人重叠,自己先打自己,沙巴团结党、人民团结党和立新党,先来内战,打成一团。

上一届大选,卡达山政党也是厮杀,结果彼此分割一小片蛋糕,占个小山头,苟延残喘。

而今,看不出任何一个卡达山政党,以及卡达山领袖可以成为主导,不管是在沙盟,或是民兴党。

拜林已经半隐退,他的继承者麦西慕没有拜林当年的魄力,如今麦西慕甚至因健康问题,一段时期未曾露面。

拜林之弟杰菲里曾经风光一时,但离开团结党之后,几乎曾经加入所有沙巴政党,成为沙巴青蛙的代表人物。

达勒雷京是新一代人物,曾经在公正党麾下,后来加入民兴党,成为二号人物。尽管他获得一些好评,但毕竟是在沙菲益之下,无法超越。

马迪乌斯表现中规中矩,无功无过,少了光芒。

放眼望去,卡达山已无英雄;而卡达山族群经过30年的政治挫败,近乎心灰意冷,失去当年的热情。

选举结果,不管是沙盟或民兴党胜利,胜者将是巫统∕土团,或是民兴党,而不会是任何一个卡达山政党,或卡达山领袖。#

Monday, 14 September 2020

Unite and oppose Malay hegemonic dominance! - The only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities of our country -- Our views on the political situation in Malaysia (in commemoration of the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat)

Unite and oppose Malay hegemonic dominance!
- The only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities of our country

Our views on the political situation in Malaysia
(in commemoration of the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat)


[Text below is translated from original version in the Chinese language published on 9 September 2020. In the case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.]

This article is rather long. It consists of the following 4 parts. Readers can read in sections——

Foreword
(1) Unite! Dump Mahathirism into the trash of history
(2) Opposing Malay hegemonic rule is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities
(I) Malay capitalist and social democratic parties have been reaping the fruits of struggle of the broad masses
(II) "Say no to appeasement, persist in struggle" is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities
- The struggle of the Chinese community
- The struggle of the Indian community
(3) The oppressed ethnic communities must unite and fight for a common future

The following is the full text of the article-


Foreword

Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee was formed on 9 September 2001. This year marks our 19th anniversary. Our Founding Declaration clearly states that the goal of our struggle is to "oppose racism and racial discrimination" at home and abroad. All our members are volunteers. We sincerely welcome all like-minded democrats to work hand in glove with us.

According to the analysis of the present political development, the main target of our struggle internationally is the United States (U.S.) hegemonic clique. Therefore, any country or individual who is against the U.S. hegemony is our ally in the struggle. Similarly, in the local political arena, our main target of struggle is the racial hegemonic clique headed by UMNO and cohorts in support of the "Malay supremacy" and "pribumi supremacy".

Any domestic organisation or political party that is against the hegemonic clique led by UMNO, Malay bourgeoisie and bigwigs is the ally in our struggle. We have been consistent in our stand. We insist on our autonomy and take the necessary initiatives in carrying out our work.

According to the laws of the historical and dialectical materialism, the world will undergo an unprecedented change. The current international landscape and international system are undergoing profound adjustments, the world system of governance is undergoing great changes, and the international balance of power is undergoing the most radical changes in modern times. This in particular is reflected in the China - U.S. competition.

Several recent incidents occurring between the two superpowers have directly or indirectly affected the social and political developments in Malaysia. They include the following:

1.A series of riots in the nature of "colour revolutions", such as the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement and the Hong Kong anti-National Security Law Movement aimed at subverting and jeopardising the unification of China as well as the social order of Hong Kong;
2.Trump’s administration has been passing the buck of its failure in controlling the spread of COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S. Such failure is in fact caused by the defects in the U.S. capitalist system. Racial discrimination is practised with a view to inciting public hatred at home or abroad against China, the Chinese people, and even the Asians;
3."Anti-China" sentiment has been widely manipulated in Taiwan and U.S. presidential election campaigns.
All ethnic groups in our country must maintain vigilance against the export of colour revolution and the spread of racial hatred worldwide by the U.S. hegemonic ruling clique.

Obviously, the U.S. has been adopting the Cold War mentality in dealing with the China-U.S. relations from the perspective of "Zero Sum Game". Some NGOs and certain intellectuals of Chinese origins in our country came under the influence of the theory of the so-called "The Clash of Titans" propounded by John J. Mear-sheimer, a well-known U.S. international relations scholar, at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

In the light of the narrow-minded thinking of such people, the U.S. will certainly continue to obstruct and suppress the rise of China. This is one of the important reasons why the China-U.S. relations and the situation worldwide are facing serious challenges.

At this crucial phase of the international politics, the best attitude China should adopt against the U.S. as well as those having illusions about western "democracy and freedom", is to steadfastly pursue a new path of "peaceful development" and "cooperation with a view to achieving a win-win situation", rather than following the beaten track of big powers seeking hegemony.

In our country, politics is also getting increasingly complex. A regime change known as “509” occurred for the first time in the history of Malaysia in 2018. It was in reality only a series of internal changes within the Malay hegemonic ruling cliques:

First, the Barisan Nasional government [led by UMNO headed by Najib]; then, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) [led by Mahathir in the name of Pakatan Harapan government]; and subsequently followed by Perikatan Nasional government [led by PPBM headed by Muhyiddin faction].

Such “regime changes” have been erroneously looked upon by a handful of "revolutionaries" as the "downfall of the regime pursuing racist politics".

The dispute among such groups is merely the internal conflict of different factions within the Malay bigwigs. When the idea of Malay hegemony prevails, the democratic reforms cherished by the oppressed ethnic groups can hardly be implemented.

A handful of Pakatan Harapan leaders tasted political power for the first time after the general election GE14 chose to dance to Mahathir’s tune, and thereby sank to the lowly level of being demagogues. Before GE14, they were touting the fanciful idea that "once Najib is overthrown, there would be hope for the people".

But now, some of them have betrayed the mandate entrusted to them by the populace. They went to the extent of forming "back-door government". Some even have high hopes of Mahathir recruiting "political frogs" to form a new political party with a view to forging an alliance aimed at returning to power.

Such "former leaders of Pakatan Harapan" have been hankering after power and wealth. They have resorted to political rhetoric, and at the same time turned a deaf ear to the popular demands. Such mind-set cannot be glossed over by the people. They will certainly be looked down upon and ultimately spurned by the people.

From Pakatan Harapan government led by Mahathir and his cohorts in PPBM to the Perikatan Nasional government led by Muhyiddin and his faction in PPBM, the broad mases of the people have discerned the emergence of an increasingly hegemonic and domineering Malay racist regime. Thus, despite the complexity of the current political situation, the reality has revealed that:

(1)The democratic reform movement has been deprived of their fruits of struggle under GE14 by Mahathir and Muhyiddin and their cliques. This is outrageous and the broad masses are terribly upset!
(2)The current political relations in our country are still in a stage where the downtrodden and oppressed (Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun, Iban-Dayak, etc included) are vehemently opposed to the oppression by the Malay bourgeoisie and the Malay feudal ruling clique.
(3)Mahathir and his clique largely represent the interests of the upper class of the Malay bourgeoisie. They are promoting the concept of Malay hegemony. They are the common enemy of the people of all ethnic groups. No matter how hard they have been trying to cover up their true colour, their attempt is doomed to failure.
On this occasion of commemorating the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee, we wish to put forward our opinions for promoting the development of the democratic reform movement in our country, and to share with all like-minded fellow-countrymen and our fervent supporters.

▲ After Muhyiddin assumed premiership, he has spared no effort in wiping out Mahathir and his cohorts. Mahathir, now 95 years of age, has no choice but to hastily form a new political party for continuing the political struggle of his family and cronies.
The new political party, Parti Pejuang Tanah Air, is in the process of applying for registration. Its objective is to “fight for the Malays and bumiputras”. In fact, it is a political tool created by Mahathir after he and his son Mukhriz were elbowed out from PPBM by Muhyiddin. Mahathir hoped to maintain his political influence, and to see to it that his son, Mukhriz will become the core figure of the Malay hegemonic rule.


(1) Unite! Dump Mahathirism into the trash of history


We called upon the public: (1) not to vote for UMNO candidates and candidates from the component parties of BN; and not to vote for Mahathir and candidates from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM); (2) vote for candidates from the original 3 founding parties of Pakatan Harapan [i.e. Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Amanah Negara (PAN)]; or vote for candidates who have the courage to have a clear-cut and firm position in opposing UMNO hegemonic rule and Malay supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu).

We believe that “Mahathir is a domineering and ambitious Malay politician. He has practised deception by way of pursuing a racist policy to the detriment of the interests of the people. That is where the danger lies.

If you vote for Mahathir, it would mean that you have been tricked into boarding a pirate ship, and you are throwing yourself on the mercy of Mahathir. You will be at the losing end, and you will suffer!”

Looking back, our views were then in line with the objective facts and laws of development, and are beneficial to the interests of the people of all ethnic groups. However, our appeal was neglected. Mahathir was enjoying the fruits of struggle of the people of all ethnic communities. He became the Prime Minister for the second time, with the strong support of several Pakatan Harapan leaders and their “advisers” who are craving for power.

Shortly after Mahathir’s return to power, he showed his true colours by implementing the policy of "Malay Supremacy". The policy is aimed at restoring the "Mahathir Dynasty" with a view to prolonging his rule. Such rule is largely for the benefit of himself and his clique. (Such rule is sometimes referred to as Mahathirism).

We have witnessed how Mahathir drove a wedge between Anwar and Azmin, and thereby weakened PKR's political strength. He has also ruined the relationship between the DAP leadership and its Chinese grassroots. We also witnessed Mahathir's political ploy in causing a split within the interest groups of UMNO and Najib, as well as winning over Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) in order to isolate UMNO, thereby strengthening PPBM under his leadership.

In short, Mahathir will never be contented with the status quo. He is always scheming and making preparations to overcome the obstacles he may be facing.

Examples abounds about Mahathir being arrogant and self-righteous:

1.He has totally brushed aside the Election Manifesto [Orange Book or Buku Jingga] of Pakatan Harapan. He went to the extent of making the remark that "the manifesto is not a bible that has to be followed";
2.On the issue of learning the Jawi script, Mahathir issued a threat to Dong Jiao Zong that "if they want to do something that is 'very Chinese', the Malays' response will be 'very Malay'";
3.He tried to project himself as a "Malay leader" who could unite the Malay leaders of various parties and organisations (especially those from UMNO and PAS) in the Malay Dignity Congress, jointly organised by several universities [University of Malaya, Universiti Teknologi Mara, University of Putra Malaysia and Sultan Idris Education University] at the Melawati Stadium, Shah Alam, Selangor;
4.In an interview with the Consumer News and Business Channel (CNBC) early July, this year, he said, "it has been shown that the support of the Malays is very important for any party to win the election, and because Anwar's not very popular — being the leader of a multi-racial party — he needs somebody who's leader of the Malays to help him win the election." Mahathir was implying that Anwar and Pakatan Harapan cannot lose him, a Malay leader who is capable of winning the election.
Mahathir was so arrogant that he had lost his sense of judgment. He thought that he had full control of the political situation right after 21 months of his assumption of power. That prompted him to tender his sudden resignation as prime minister.

He intended to ward off the control of Pakatan Harapan by way of aligning himself with UMNO and PAS. By doing so, he expected to secure a more favourable position for himself. But eventually, his pipedream of forming a new coalition of Malay political parties under his leadership fell through.

Muhyiddin Yassin, who was supposed to be a faithful follower of Mahathir, seized the golden opportunity to usurp premiership with the support of the royal family. He then formed a Perikatan Nasional Government comprising Members of Parliament from various political parties: PPBM headed by Muhyiddin, UMNO, PAS, GPS, and Azmin’s breakaway faction from PKR.

In reality, Perikatan Nasional Government is none other than a "back-door government" that has no mandate whatsoever from the people.

After the "Sheraton coup" in February this year, Wan Saiful Wan Jan, PPBM Supreme Council member revealed that "In various closed-door discussions and meetings after GE14, Mahathir was both adamant and consistent that he did not want to see Anwar succeed him as prime minister despite his public statements. To Dr Mahathir, Anwar is someone who would neither champion the Malays nor defend the privileges accorded to ethnic Malays by the Federal Constitution.

Around March or April 2019, in a PPBM Supreme Council meeting chaired by Mahathir in March or April 2019, it was agreed that the Hamzah Zainuddin (MP for Larut, Perak) should initiate conversations between PPBM, UMNO and PAS on the possibility of working together. Dr Mahathir wanted to bring together the three major Malay parties – PPBM, UMNO and PAS - so that a new Malay-led government could be formed. Mahathir also believed that Anwar's plans (to become Prime Minister) could be thwarted if the three major Malay parties, PPBM, UMNO and PAS, were brought together so that a new Malay-led government could be formed, doing away with the Chinese-dominated DAP and the multi-racial PKR."

It is an undeniable fact that Mahathir has always been advocating for a coalition comprising Malay parties only. The coalition is to be fully under his control.

Views were expressed by some leaders and "advisers" from the 3 founding parties of Pakatan Harapan as well as certain political commentators that "Mahathir is the saviour of the country", and consequently, the idea of "regime change” was promoted. It was also believed that the development of the democratic reform movement could only be realised if they acted in unison with Mahathir."

In view of the fact that, contrary to their views, the situation of the democratic reform movement has suffered a setback, they owe an apology to the people for their erroneous assessment.

It is noteworthy that, after undergoing such bitter experiences, some relatively fair-minded Malay political leaders were vocal in expressing their fair and just views against Mahathir. Zaid Ibrahim, the former Minister of the Prime Minister's Department, remarked that Mahathir was "the most selfish individual, unmatched in the history of the country". Such remark fairly objectively reflects the mental attitude of those open-minded Malay leaders.

Mahathir is doomed to be ostracised by the Malay masses. The main pressing task of the political parties, organisations and individuals working towards advancement of the democratic reform of our country, must call on all oppressed ethnic groups, including Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun and Iban-Dayak as well as the oppressed Malay community, to work hand in glove for rejecting in to Mahathir and his family together with their cronies. Let us dump Mahathirism into the trash of history!

Demagogues (particularly those leaders in Pakatan Harapan clamouring for the "Save Malaysia" campaign) and their “advisers” may continue seeking cooperation with Mahathir, and call upon the people to support Mahathir in his attempt to become the Prime Minister again. Such move is blatant deception on the people. That is really disgusting and shameless.

Obviously, they are no longer on the side of the people. They have, instead, turned themselves into enemies of the people. It is therefore time for the people to dump Mahathir and his clique as well as the ignominious Mahathirism into the trash of history.

▲ After the February "Sheraton Coup" this year, Muhyiddin with the support of the royal family and Malay political careerists, successfully assumed premiership abdicated by Mahathir. After his political ascendancy, Muhyiddin managed to exercise full control over the party PPBM.
This resulted in the expulsion of Mahathir, the founder of PPBM, together with his cohorts from the party. Muhyiddin was merely paying Mahathir back in his own coin. Mahathir can now only lament, and try to extract himself out of such predicament!


(2) Opposing Malay hegemonic rule is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities

Malaysia is deemed to be a semi-feudal semi-democratic capitalist country. "Semi-feudal" means that our country practises constitutional monarchy. Sultans are the highest symbol of the Malays and Islam. They are the landlords. They have the power to appoint Menteri Besar (Chief Ministers). "Semi-democratic" means that our central government is elected via a general election, contested by a variety of political parties on the electoral principle of "first pass the post" (i.e. a candidate is elected by simple majority vote).

Under the current political and economic systems, our country hitherto is dominated by the interest groups representing the Malay feudal nobility, the Malay bureaucratic capitalists and big bourgeoisie. They implement various policies of racial discrimination and oppression, for the purpose of dominating and suppressing the people of all ethnic groups (including the broad Malay masses and non-Malay oppressed and exploited people like Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun, and Iban-Dayak).

The exploitation and oppression of the people are carried out in the form of "racial oppression" in order to cover up the true nature of "class oppression". As such, it is a covert act of deception in the eyes of the labouring masses.

The socio-political situation in the U.S. serves as a lesson to all of us. The incident of persecution with the ensuing death of George Floyd highlights the following:

First,racial discrimination in the U.S. against the blacks is a reflection of class oppression on racial issues. The white capitalist interest group has all along been discriminating and oppressing the blacks. The fate of the black Americans has hardly been changed even after Obama came into power. This is because after becoming a member of the ruling class, Obama, of black origins, no longer experienced racial oppression. This clearly goes to show that racial discrimination in America is in fact class discrimination.
Secondly,the protest movement of the black Americans has reached a deadlock. They are caught in the "politics of identity". (Blacks assume that they are American citizens, and therefore, they should enjoy the same fundamental rights as the white American citizens).
They have forgotten about the experience of the Black Panther in its struggle in the movement for the liberation of blacks. They were the main participants in the U.S. revolution in the 1960s and 1970s. Their struggle for the liberation of blacks did not confine themselves to differentiating between blacks and whites. Instead, they adopted the general principles of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolution. In other words, they believed that the future of the black Americans cannot be divorced from the struggle in line with "class politics."

From what was discussed above, we now understand that the movement against racial oppression in Malaysia (i.e. the Chinese education movement and the Hindraf struggle for the fundamental rights of the Indian community) has also undergone similar predicament as the black protest movement in America. Each of them is trapped in the "politics of identity". They have lost sight of the "class struggle", resulting in their being unable to ascertain their future. We may look at the issue from the following two aspects:

▲ Ahmad Zahid (picture) is the incumbent President of UMNO (United Malays National Organisation). He is currently involved in numerous corruption lawsuits.
UMNO was founded in 1946. Since the independence of Malaya in 1957 until the 2018 general election [“509” GE14], UMNO has always been the single party dominating the Alliance [now Barisan Nasional] political coalition. They have been doubling their efforts in pursuing the policy of racial hegemony. Corruption practices, abuse of power by the government leaders and officials have been on the increase.
Mahathir was in power for 22 years when he was in UMNO, the ruling party then. During that period, the country’s economy was booming. He and his children, together with his favoured cronies became filthy rich. He is one of the important representatives of the emergent Malay bourgeoisie.
Abdullah Badawi and Najib, the successors of Mahathir as Prime Minister (especially Najib) were reluctant to be obedient to him. They even acted against Mahathir’s will and interests. The conflicts within the UMNO ruling clique have thus become increasingly intensified.
As a result of the sluggish economy of the country, while the national leaders and government officials were amassing wealth by illegal means, corrupt practices and abuse of power have reached the unprecedented level of being totally unmanageable. The conflicts within the UMNO ruling clique culminated in a life-and-death struggle.
PPBM was established on the eve of the last general election. "Parti Pejuang Tanah Air" is currently applying for registration, pending the next general election. Both parties are political tools of the Malay ruling cliques. They are the products of the internal contradiction and mutual elbowing within the Malay hegemonic ruling cliques.

(I) Malay capitalist and social democratic parties have been reaping the fruits of struggle of the broad masses

After World War II, the left-wing movement in Malaya (including Singapore) was under the leadership of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), Labour Party of Malaya (LPM) and Barisan Sosialis of Singapore (BSS) at different stages in our history.

In the late 1960s, BSS headed by Lee Siew Choh, gave up parliamentary struggle, and also withdrew from lawful organisations. Since then, the left-wing movement in Singapore has been gradually decimated. When Singapore was separated from Malaysia in 1965, the fruits of the people's struggle against the colonial rule were plundered wholesale by the People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore.

The left-wing movement in Malaysia also slipped into oblivion when some CPM members were by force of circumstances compelled to beat a retreat from the country. In the 1970s, the LPM boycotted the general election in Malaysia.

Meanwhile, within the Malay ruling clique, Najib's father Abdul Razak and his clique, mainly representing the interests of the emergent monopoly capitalist class, overthrew the incumbent ruling clique led by the first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, who, on the other hand, largely represented the interests of the Malay feudal nobility and comprador bourgeoisie.

Malaysia has since entered the era of Malay racial hegemony. At the same time, the progressive forces hitherto involved in the constitutional struggle against the Malay racial hegemony, voluntarily left the political arena in the 1970s. The role of constitutional struggle in our country was then taken over by the leadership of DAP. Among the leading figures in DAP at that time were Karpal Singh and Lim Kit Siang.

▲ Hadi Awang is currently the number one spiritual leader of PAS. PAS was founded in 1951. Although its leadership and political strategies have undergone changes at different stages over the past 69 years, the party’s ultimate goal of establishing Islamic governance and "Islamic State" in Malaya [now Malaysia] has never changed.
The political power in our country has always been under the firm grip of the Malay ethnic groups and Muslims. UMNO claims legitimacy of its political power by advocating "Malay hegemony" and "sharing of power". PAS hopes to use "religious hegemony" and "sharing of power" to fight against UMNO and to replace it eventually.
On 29 September 2001, Mahathir declared Malaysia an "Islamic State" unconstitutionally, in total disregard of the provisions of the Federal Constitution.
In November 2003, PAS launched its "Islamic State Document" (dokumen Negara Islam). Both Kelantan and Terengganu State legislatures under the control of PAS passed the Hudud Law which is inconsistent with the Federal Constitution. Other Islamic policies have been introduced and speeches made, causing uneasiness and discontent among non-Malays and non-Muslims as well as some open-minded Muslims.
After the 2018 general election [GE14], PAS and UMNO joined forces to form a Malay political alliance - “Perikatan Nasional”. They are awaiting an opportunity to obstruct the growth of the people’s power rising against the Malay hegemonic rule. On the other hand, they constitute a rivalry against both the ambitious cliques of Muhyiddin and Mahathir.

The struggle of the broad masses of the people against racism and racial discrimination has never ceased. Instead, the struggle developed in momentum despite the increasingly rigid implementation of racial politics and hegemonic rule by UMNO. In the meantime, the internal conflict and factional struggle within the UMNO ruling clique escalated, and the abuse of power and corruption became more rampant.

Such factors eventually contributed to the development of a "storm of protest for reforms". The populace demanded reforms in 2008 general election [“308” GE12]. The violent storm had shaken the UMNO hegemonic rule to its foundation.

However, the 3 founding member parties of Pakatan Harapan namely, PKR, DAP and Amanah committed some errors in the 2018 general election [GE14]. Such mistakes eventually led to the downfall of PH. The mistakes, among others, were:

(i)PKR was not able to get over with the limitation caused by the "Reformasi" movement. “Reformasi” was a Malay-Muslims centric movement. Its "spiritual leader" Anwar Ibrahim was persecuted and imprisoned;
(ii)Certain leaders of DAP and Amanah were over anxious to become bigwigs [influential officers wielding power]. Without having due regard for the probable consequences, they welcomed PPBM to be a member party of Pakatan Harapan.

PPBM mainly consists of 2 breakaway factions of UMNO ruling clique. They were headed by Mahathir and Muhyiddin respectively. Both are strong advocates of racial hegemony. The leaders of DAP and Amanah went to the extent of trumpeting Mahathir as the "Saviour of the people". As a result, the masses were deceived. The arduous struggle waged by the populace over a few decades against the Malay racial hegemony, came to naught.

It turned out that after the 2018 general election [GE14], the fruits of the people's struggle have been harvested by Mahathir. The arrogance, self-righteousness, juggling of power and wild ambition of Mahathir, have brought about irreparable damage. The fruits of struggle snatched by Mahathir were subsequently looted by Muhyiddin on the sly.

They are in reality jackals from the same lair, both represent the Malay comprador bourgeoisie and big bourgeoisie but of different factions and interest groups only.

The only difference between them is: Mahathir is often at loggerheads with the royal family. All along, there has been rivalry between them. Whereas Muhyiddin is backed and used by the royalty. Both of them are obviously "class enemies" of the people of all ethnic groups in our country.

They have easily seized the fruits of the struggle of the people because of the infiltration of the demagogues and their “advisers” into the ranks of the people. They hanker after high positions and handsome rewards. They have heaved high praises on Mahathir and Muhyiddin, projecting them as "the Malay leaders who are highly experienced and most capable of winning Malay votes."

(II) "Say no to appeasement, persist in struggle" is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities

The Chinese and Indians (mainly Tamils) are the two largest oppressed ethnic groups in Malaysia. According to the latest statistics, the Chinese account for about 23% and the Indians 7% of our population. From the British colonial rule to the Independence of the country, and up till now, these ethnic communities have always been divided and ruled, enslaved, and oppressed. The Indian working masses at the bottom level of the social strata, have suffered the most.

Both major ethnic groups suffer from the same racial discrimination and racial oppression. But due to the long-term influence of the "divide and rule" policy, they find themselves always in a dilemma where the Chinese always fight their own battles, whereas the Indians just bear with the status quo. The Indians regard themselves as the “voiceless ethnic community”. They are prepared to wait patiently for “the hero” to rescue them from their misery.

The struggle of the Chinese community

Although the struggle of the Chinese community against the British colonial rule and the Malay hegemonic rule in various spheres, including political, economic, social, and other spheres, the movement for the right to mother tongue education is undoubtedly the most influential one. It can best mobilise the Chinese community. Dong Jiao Zong, the leading organisation of the Chinese education, has made significant contributions in the struggle of the Chinese community.

After the aftermath of the sabotage by Yap Xin Tian and Chow Siew Hon factions, a Dong Zong new team headed by Tan Tai Kim has emerged. The encouragement from those who are concerned about the future of the mother tongue education acted as a catalyst for the formation of the new team. The team aims to inherit the spirit of the early pioneers of the Chinese mother tongue education movement. They will carry on the struggle since it is still far from success.

Dong Jiao Zong has set up a "Chinese Education Movement New Direction Working Group" to discuss the "New direction of the Chinese education movement". This group is headed by Tan Yew Sing with the following three main objectives, namely:

1.To develop the new direction of the Chinese Education Movement, and to inject new dynamics into the Chinese education;
2.To mobilise forces from all walks of life to create a new variety of Chinese education;
3.To plan and build a multi-purpose education complex to serve as a Chinese education base for promoting Chinese education and cultural exchanges. The activities to be promoted in this complex include: training teachers and school administrators; engaging in academic research; organising academic seminars; providing education and teaching workshops; marking Unified Examination papers; carrying out student training and exchange programmes; organising cultural performances, exhibitions, etc. The estimated cost for the construction of this multi-purpose education complex is RM 25 million.
The articles written and activities organised by the "New direction of the Chinese education movement" working group of Dong Jiao Zong indicate that——

(i)Wide publicity will be given to the idea that “Chinese education movement should adapt to a new political pattern of ‘democratic transformation’ or ‘transitional justice’” through systematic and organised public opinion;
(ii)They try to convince others that "any effort to oppose monolingual education and forced assimilation" is a thing of the past, not keeping up with the times;
(iii)They attempt to do away with the typical and symbolic "Lim Lian Geok's fighting spirit" ever present in the Chinese education movement and Chinese education leading organisations in our country. They also try to convert the Chinese education movement and Chinese education leading organisations into a large-scale corporate activity aimed at pursuing high-quality education the elites introduce into schools and institutes for higher learning.
▲ On 25 December 1980, on the occasion of celebrating the 29th anniversary of Jiao Zong cum Lim Lian Geok's 80th birthday, Mr Lim Lian Geok delivered a speech:
"I'm 80 years old this year. It is uncommon to live such a long life and be able to celebrate my birthday today. I have braved the challenge of time. I, Lim Lian Geok stand upright! I’m dauntless, above-board and dignified! I didn’t surrender. I didn’t accept any offer for appeasement! I didn’t give up! I didn’t dodge and walk away! Well, everyone knows that I’m not guilty.
The ancient sages taught us: “Neither poverty nor humbleness can make us swerve from principle; neither threats nor violence can subdue us.” We are the descendants of Yuandi and Huangdi, the Chinese people. I have been nurtured by five thousand years of excellent culture.
I didn’t become a turncoat to serve the ruling elite. I didn’t dodge. I am not afraid of others criticising me for bragging, I have lived up to the principle laid down by the sages!... I wish to share with our descendants the saying of the sage: "Neither poverty nor humbleness can make us swerve from principle; neither threats nor violence can subdue us."
“I very much hope that the Chinese with a clear conscience will work hand in hand, become the standard-bearers of justice upheld by our nation; promote the unyielding integrity of our nation; and safeguard the dignity of the just cause undertaken by our nation. The culture of a community is the soul of that particular community. Its value is as important as our lives.
“To safeguard our culture, we are prepared to let people walk over our dead bodies. However, we must not tolerate the deprivation of our sacred rights and we will not allow the dignity of our community to be hurt.
Malaya [now Malaysia], is a multi-racial country. If you are talking about fairness and about unity, we firmly believe in abundance in diversity, and prosperity in co-existence. Anything said in violation of this principle is just falsehood. We don’t believe in such falsehood! It is sheer deceptive practice."
The following verse is testimony to the "fighting spirit of Lim Lian Geok":
“Scale the dragon with mighty dread,
Furious fist smashes the tiger’s head!”

The practical experience of Lim Lian Geok, Sim Mow Yu and Lim Fong Seng, the three prominent leaders of the Chinese education movement, and that of the entire Chinese education movement have left behind the valuable lessons for us.

Any attempt to abandon the original fighting spirit of the Chinese education movement by way of entering into compromise with political parties; to have connection with political interest groups; and to be subservient to the political needs of Malay hegemonic rule, is doomed to failure.

Such attempt inhibits the normal development of the Chinese education, especially the Chinese tertiary education. It only serves to facilitate the infiltration of the careerists into the ranks of the Chinese education movement, enabling them to make use of the platform of Dong Zong or the Chinese associations to their own advantage; and to carry out their private corporate activities for their personal gains and profits.

The precious experiences of such prominent leaders of the Chinese education movement have been wittingly or unwittingly ignored completely by some Chinese “academic elites” of the younger generation. They put forward the misleading proposal or idea that "The Chinese education movement must undergo transformation in order to keep pace with the development of the modern trend".

On 28 June 2020, Choo Shinn Chei, one of the presidium members of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee, took part in an online forum entitled “Cross-Generations’ Perspective on the Chinese Education Movement” in his personal capacity. The forum was organised by the "New Direction of the Chinese Education Movement" Working Group.

Choo made a statement to the effect: “The Chinese education movement is the protest movement of the Chinese community. The new narrative should under no circumstances abandon the highly-esteemed spirit of Lim Lian Geok”. Choo’s views were in line with the position and those of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee pertaining to this issue.

Let us encourage each other, especially those who care about the future of the Chinese education, in our endeavours. The leadership of Dong Zong headed by Tan Tai Kim, as well as the leaders of all Chinese education organisations, and all like-minded people in the country who are concerned and enthusiastic about the Chinese education, ought to pay close attention to the proposals put forward by the "New Direction of the Chinese Education Movement” Working Group. It is of utmost importance to understand whether the “New Direction” conforms to the original objective of the forerunners of the Chinese education movement who have worked hard to advance the Chinese education movement.

The struggle of the Indian community

Now, let us now talk about the struggle of the Indians. The Indian ethnic group is the most oppressed minority in our country. They encounter very similar predicament as the black Americans in their country.

It is noteworthy that the Hindraf Rally held 25 November 2007, was the largest mass rally organised by the Indian community in the country. There were tens of thousands of protesters.

The Indians have always been marginalised under the racist policy of BN. The Hindraf rally highlighted the fact that the vast majority of the Indians in the country could no longer tolerate such policy of racial discrimination. They had no choice but to take to the street to express their dissent and give vent to their indignation.

Although the Hindraf protest march was only for a brief period, it is of great significance in determining the votes cast in the 2008 general election known as “308” GE12. For the first time in history, UMNO-BN lost its two-thirds majority in Parliament.

Since the Hindraf rally, the Indian masses have come to realise that they are in a position to curb the excesses of the Malay racial hegemonic rule. However, it is regrettable that the "political awareness" raised by this rally failed to develop into a well-organised "Hindraf movement" having outstanding leaders, clear-cut programme for its struggle, and participation of the broad masses.

Two factors contributed to the failure of "Hindraf" in achieving further development:

  • External factor: The Hindraf leadership accepted the offer of appeasement from the ruling clique;
  • Internal factor: the inefficient leadership within the organisation.

▲ The Hindraf rally on 25 November 2007 was the largest protest march of the marginalised Indian ethnic minority against racial hegemony in the history of Malaysia. The organiser claimed that there were about 100,000 protesters. The mass media estimated tens of thousands of people participated in the rally. No one has any doubt about the mammoth attendance.
Five leaders of the protest march were arrested and detained. Waytha Moorthy, who was then in exile, issued a statement that "Article 153 in the Federal Constitution has become the source of the racist policies”.
He strongly objected to the segregation of the Malaysian people into 2 classes, namely, Malay Muslims enjoying special privileges and non-Malay/non-Muslim Malaysians (including Chinese, Indians, indigenous people and other ethnic minorities) who are without privileges.

Before and after the Hindraf rally, the UMNO-BN government arrested and detained five leaders of Hindraf, including its key leader Uthayakumar. His younger brother Waytha Moorthy (a lawyer by profession) escaped the dragnet. He fled abroad to avoid arrest.

When abroad, in his capacity as "Hindraf leader" he did some publicity work on the issue of "dilemma of the marginalised Indian ethnic minority under the Malaysian racist system". But, eventually, for the sake of seeking personal interests, he accepted the offer of appeasement and was enlisted for services by the ruling clique on two different occasions:

  • On the first occasion: He seemed to have secretly accepted the offer of appeasement when he was in exile so that he could return to Malaysia with no difficulty. After the general election 2013 [“505” GE13], he was appointed by the then Prime Minister, Najib as the Senator and Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department. He tendered his resignation after 9 months in office;
  • On the second occasion: After the general election 2018 [“509” GE14], he was appointed by Mahathir as the Senator and Minister of National Unity and National Integration (Jabatan Perpaduan Negara Dan Integrasi Nasional). He served as Minister until the collapse of Pakatan Harapan government led by Mahathir 22 months later.

He accepted, purely in consideration of personal interests, the offer of appeasement from Najib and Mahathir. This was tantamount to a complete betrayal of Hindraf and the Indian ethnic minority. This was evidenced by the following incident:

After becoming a member of the ruling class as well as the ruling clique, Waytha Moorthy completely ignored his previous proposal for the repeal of Article 153 as quoted below:

“To repeal Article 153. Article 153 has become the source of the racist policies in Malaysia to the disadvantage of the Non-Malay Malaysians where about half the population has to suffer the daily indignity of being unequal in their own land.”

On the eve of the general election 2013, he signed the "Memorandum of Understanding" with Barisan Nasional led by Najib. He gave up two of the important demands in the Hindraf Blueprint: (1) To stop institutionalised racism; and (2) to form the Independent Police Complaint and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC).

The two demands happened to be Hindraf’s core demands for containing and preventing the police from resorting to the abuse of power, which has been causing deaths and injuries in the Indian community over a long period of time. Such core demands are also in line with the interests of the majority of the oppressed ethnic groups.

Such somersault on the part of Waytha Moorthy has been looked upon with disdain by the vast majority of the Indians and the populace.

After the appointment of Waytha Moorthy as Minister in the Mahathir’s administration, his brother Uthayakumar, the former key leader of Hindraf Rally 2007 then carried out his activities in the name of "Hindraf 2.0". Uthayakumar has been labouring under some illusion and frantically propagating to the Indian masses, the idea of waging a struggle known as "7-14" struggle. He toyed with such idea when he was under detention.

Such ill-conceived idea was to encourage Indian voters to shift and confine their voter registration to several constituencies having relatively more Indian voters. This was to realise his dream of fielding Indian candidates for 7 parliamentary seats and 14 state assembly seats.

He was naïve enough to believe that the so-called "7-14" form of struggle is the only hope for salvaging the destiny of the Indians. But such idea did not receive the positive response he expected from the Indian community.

The reason for such luke-warm response is that Indian voters and those of the other ethnic groups have already learned bitter lessons from history. They have witnessed the betrayal of numerous MPs and State Assemblymen. The sudden collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government is a good lesson to them.

They have come to the conclusion that law-makers elected under the current electoral system are largely untrustworthy. They have hardly any courage to speak up for the interests of the ethnic minorities, or to sacrifice for the cause of the people.

Uthayakumar claims that Hindraf 2.0 is an organisation representing the marginalised Indian ethnic group in our country. But the performance of Hindraf 2.0 for the last two years reveals that it appears to be a loose organisation. Strictly speaking, it is not well organised at all. It merely exists in name only. Its leadership is hardly of any calibre. It expects sheer obedience from the masses, but it does not listen to opinions.

The Hindraf 2.0 led by Uthayakumar ought to abandon the illusion that "electing Indian representatives to Parliament is the only way out for the Indian community". He should instead return to the path of yester years, leading the broad Indian masses to wage an arduous struggle for their rights; where the leaders were not afraid of making sacrifices, and have confidence in the broad masses.

They ought to bring into full play the strength and wisdom of their ethnic group, and gradually resolve the problems and difficulties they encounter, only then will they have a bright future.


(3) The oppressed ethnic communities must unite and fight for a common future

The history of the struggle of the two oppressed ethnic groups, namely, the Chinese and Indians, have proven that, fighting alone, be it the Chinese education movement or Hindraf’s protest, inevitably requires double efforts, but produces little result, or no result at all. This is understandable.

The following points are to be noted:

(i)National oppression in the context of our country, on the surface, takes place between two different ethnic communities, it does not mean that the whole ethnic group is oppressing another ethnic group.
In reality, national oppression is mainly carried out by the reactionary ruling class and ruling clique of one particular ethnic group. It is not carried out by the oppressed and exploited class in that ethnic group; and
(ii)The oppressed and exploited class of one particular ethnic group concerned is the real victim of national oppression. To a certain extent, the exploiting class in that particular ethnic group also becomes victim of national oppression.

Apart from the Chinese and Indian communities, there are other minorities such as Kadazan-Dusun, Iban-Dayak. Besides, the Malay petty bourgeoisie and working class are also the exploited class within the Malay community. They are similarly oppressed and exploited by the Malay ruling clique, and they have a common destiny.

The Chinese and Indians, particularly the Chinese education movement and Hindraf’s protest movement, must work hand in gloves in the struggle against the Malay hegemonic rule.

The plight of the Kadasan-Dusun in Sabah and Iban-Dayak in Sarawak is even worse. Though the States have the richest natural resources, the people in the lower strata live in great poverty. That is largely due to the following reasons:

(i)Ever since Sabah and Sarawak joined "Malaysia", the federal government has been exercising full control of the natural resources, economic development and major tax revenues, etc. of both the states.
But the federal government neglects the development of the infrastructure for both the states. Corrupt practices and abuse of power by the federal and state government officials, have impeded the economic development of these two states. The economy of each state remains stagnant, and their people continue to live in abject poverty.
(ii)The ruling clique and political elites in both states have chosen to rely on the Malay ruling clique of the federal government, for the sake of protecting their personal positions and vested interests. They have no hesitation in resorting to various means to pursue wealth and positions. They have no qualms about betraying their own ethnic community and the fundamental interests of the broad masses.
(iii)Sabah: A large number of opportunistic politicians are found in the Sabah State Government. Scrambling for power between the ruling cliques of the federal and the state government is therefore inevitable.
It is a norm for elected MPs or State Assemblymen to leap from one political party to another, or to quit a political party for the purpose of forming a new one. Political power is always subject to changing hands. Some people even make a joke about Sabah being the "home of political frogs".
Sarawak: On the other hand, Sarawak is under the firm grip of Taib Mahmud and his family together with his cronies. He is a Malay from Minangkabau. Through his political party - Parti Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), he exercises a tight control over the affairs of the state, whether in both spheres of politics and economy. It is hardly possible for UMNO and other component parties of the federal government to have a “share in the cake” in Sarawak.
The oppressed people of East Malaysia and West Malaysia must unite. There is no doubt that great difficulties lie ahead. But, it is only a matter of time that the unity of the people will be achieved.

As a result of the rude awakening of the oppressed peoples, they are now waging unrelenting struggles all over the world. They are to determine their own destiny. The current protest movement of the black Americans is testimony to this. Only when the blacks stand up and vehemently resist the domination of the whites and at the same time oppose racial discrimination, will it be possible to attract a greater number of those fair-minded whites, to join in the struggle of the blacks.

The struggle of the oppressed ethnic groups and the oppressed people from the Malay community in Malaysia ought to adopt a similar line of struggle. They should shun the so-called strategy of "taking the situation as a whole into consideration". Such deceptive strategy was hatched by a handful of "political experts " or "strategists". It lulls the masses into a false sense of security, so that the masses will fall prey to the Malay hegemony.

The Malaysian people must embark on the path of genuine democratic reform and move forward with courage. Only then will the Malaysian people be in a position to free themselves from the racial hegemonic rule. They will then be able to build a brand-new Malaysia, where the people as a whole, regardless of colour or religion, will live in harmony and happiness.

We must firmly believe that there is no “Saviour” in this world. We have to rely on ourselves to achieve happiness. In a polarized class society such as ours, the people cannot count on a handful of those wielding power to bring true happiness to the people. The happiness of the people can only be achieved through the struggle and efforts of the people themselves.

In a class society, the society is invariably split into different interest groups with conflicting interests. One must first of all fight for the liberation of one’s own class and interest group in order to achieve happiness. Only by eliminating the social conditions that lead to destruction and repression of humanity, can the true happiness of the individual be achieved.

If any individual has to lead a miserable life, it is of utmost important to identify the root cause of the misfortune in our society, and then have it removed. Let us work together and move towards creating a happy life.


Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee
9 September 2020

通告 Notification

9月9日(19周年纪念),
发表对我国政局看法

Stop%2BRestoration%2Bof%2BMahathirism.png
2020年9月9日,是人民之友成立19周年的纪念日。依照惯例,我们将在这一天发表一篇文章,对我国发生“喜来登政变”之后的政治局势进行细致分析,提出我们的具体意见。这篇文章篇幅颇长,是由以下4个部分组成——

• 导言
• (一)齐心合力把马哈迪主义丢进历史垃圾堆
• (二)被压迫民族反抗马来霸权统治才有出路
    (1) 马来资产阶级政党和社会民主党收割了人民斗争的果实
    (2) “不受招安,坚持抗争”,才是被压迫民族的真正出路
         ——华族的抗争情况
         ——印族的抗争情况
• (三)被压迫民族必须联合斗争才有共同前途

这篇文章将在当天以华文和马来文发表,也将在较后日期以英文发表,供全国致力于我国真正民主改革的各民族、各阶层人士参考。我们愿意与同道们交流、共勉!

此外,我们也还有另外一份人民之友成立19周年纪念的献礼,将在发表上述文章的前夕公布,敬请垂注!谢谢大家!

人民之友工委会
2020年8月26日


9 September - Kemukakan analisis mengenai situasi politik negara kita sempena ulang tahun ke-19

Stop%2BRestoration%2Bof%2BMahathirism.png 9 September 2020 adalah ulang tahun ke-19 penubuhan Sahabat Rakyat. Seperti biasa, kami akan menerbitkan satu analisis terperinci mengenai situasi politik di negara kita selepas "Rampasan kuasa Sheraton" dan mengemukakan pandangan khusus kami. Artikel panjang ini terdiri daripada 4 bahagian berikut:

• Pendahuluan
• (1) Bersatu hati membuangkan Mahathirisme ke tong sampah sejarah
• (2) Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni perkauman Melayu adalah satu-satunya jalan keluar bangsa tertindas
    (1) Parti kapitalis Melayu dan parti sosial demokrat telah menuai hasil perjuangan rakyat.
 (2) "Tidak menerima pengampunan dan melutut, terus berjuang" adalah jalan keluar yang wajar bagi bangsa-bangsa tertindas.
         Keadaan perjuangan,bangsa Cina
         Keadaan perjuangan bangsa India
• (3) Kaum Tertindas mesti berjuang bersama demi masa depan sejagat

Artikel ini akan diterbitkan dalam Bahasa Cina dan Bahasa Melayu pada 9 Sep, dan selepas itu dalam Bahasa Inggeris untuk tatapan rakan semua bangsa dan semua strata yang komited terhadap reformasi demokratik tulen negara kita. Kami bersedia bertukar pendapat dan saling belajar dengan semua rakan-rakan sehaluan.

Selain itu, kami juga menyediakan satu pemberian khas ulang tahun ke-19 penubuhan Sahabat Rakyat dan akan diumumkan sedikit masa lagi. Terima kasih!

JK Sahabat Rakyat
27 Ogos 2020



[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
舔美精神患者的状态

年轻一辈人民之友有感而作


注:这“漫画新解”是反映一名自诩“智慧高人一等”而且“精于民主理论”的老姐又再突发奇想地运用她所学会的一丁点“颜色革命”理论和伎俩来征服人民之友队伍里的学弟学妹们的心理状态——她在10多年前曾在队伍里因时时表现自己是超群精英,事事都要别人服从她的意愿而人人“惊而远之”,她因此而被挤出队伍近10年之久。

她在三年前被一名年长工委推介,重新加入人民之友队伍。可是,就在今年年初她又再故态复萌,尤其是在3月以来,不断利用部落格的贴文,任意扭曲而胡说八道。起初,还以“不同意见者”的姿态出现,以博取一些不明就里的队友对她的同情和支持,后来,她发现了她的欺骗伎俩无法得逞之后,索性撤下了假面具,对人民之友一贯的“反对霸权主义、反对种族主义”的政治立场,发出歇斯底里的叫嚣,而暴露她设想人民之友“改旗易帜”的真面目!

尤其是在新冠病毒疫情(COVID-19)课题上,她公然猖狂跟人民之友的政治立场对着干,指责人民之友服务于中国文宣或大中华,是 “中国海外统治部”、“中华小红卫兵”等等等等。她甚至通过强硬粗暴手段擅自把我们的WhatsApp群组名称“Sahabat Rakyat Malaysia”改为“吐槽美国样衰俱乐部”这样的无耻行动也做得出来。她的这种种露骨的表现足以说明了她是一名赤裸裸的“反中仇华”份子。

其实,在我们年轻队友看来,这名嘲讽我们“浪费了20年青春”[人民之友成立至今近20年(2001-9-9迄今)]并想要“拯救我们年轻工委”的这位“徐大姐”,她的思想依然停留在20年前的上个世纪。她初始或许是不自觉接受了“西方民主”和“颜色革命”思想的培养,而如今却是自觉地为维护美国的全球霸权统治而与反对美国霸权支配全球的中国人民和全世界各国(包括马来西亚)人民为敌。她是那么狂妄自大,却是多么幼稚可笑啊!

她所说的“你们浪费了20年青春”正好送回给她和她的跟班,让他们把她的这句话吞到自己的肚子里去!


[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
"公知"及其跟班的精神面貌

注:这“漫画新解”是与<人民之友>4月24日转贴的美国政客叫嚣“围剿中国”煽动颠覆各国民间和组织 >(原标题为<当心!爱国队伍里混进了这些奸细……>)这篇文章有关联的。这篇文章作者沈逸所说的“已被欧美政治认同洗脑的‘精神欧美人’”正是马来西亚“公知”及其跟班的精神面貌的另一种写照!




[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
"舔美"狗狗的角色

编辑 / 来源:人民之友 / 网络图库

注:这“漫画新解”是与《察网》4月22日刊林爱玥专栏文章<公知与鲁迅之间 隔着整整一个中国 >这篇文章有关联的,这是由于这篇文章所述说的中国公知,很明显是跟这组漫画所描绘的马来西亚的“舔美”狗狗,有着孪生兄弟姐妹的亲密关系。

欲知其中详情,敬请点击、阅读上述文章内容,再理解、品味以下漫画的含义。这篇文章和漫画贴出后,引起激烈反响,有人竟然对号入座,暴跳如雷且发出恐吓,众多读者纷纷叫好且鼓励加油。编辑部特此接受一名网友建议:在显著的布告栏内贴出,方便网友搜索、浏览,以扩大宣传教育效果。谢谢关注!谢谢鼓励!












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