Say "No" to the racist hegemonic rule!
Stop UMNO bullies from returning!
- Our views on the political situation in Malaysia
(in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat)
[This is an English rendition of an article written in Chinese and published by Sahabat Rakyat on 29 September 2021. In case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.]
Sahabat Rakyat was formed on 9 September 2001. This year marks our 20th anniversary. We are a group and platform aimed at promoting genuine democracy and human rights in the democratic reform movement of our country. We have been trying our best to humbly present our views on changes and features of the political situation in Malaysia, to serve as reference for democratic parties, organisations and democrats.
The publication of this article (in Chinese) in commemoration of the 20th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat was delayed for 20 days, to give way for the regime change (from Muhyiddin-led government to Ismail Sabri-led government) to be relatively clearer and more stable, so that our view about the current political situation is more relevant.
This article will be published in three languages, namely Chinese, Malay and English. The Chinese version was published on 29 September. All members of Sahabat Rakyat Committee are volunteers who must work hard every day to earn a living, at the same time sparing time and effort on the volunteering work of Sahabat Rakyat. Therefore, we are unable to complete the Malay and English translations soon enough. The Malay and English renditions were only made available by mid of October (few weeks after the Chinese version).
The following is the full text of the article:
1. After GE14, the main target of struggle of the people is still the ruling clique pursuing Malay hegemony.
In 2018, at the 14th General Election (GE14), the Barisan Nasional (BN) ruling clique led by UMNO was overthrown by the people demanding for democratic reforms.
Some “social democrat reformists” adopting a so-called "pragmatic and moderate" approach, hailed such event as ushering in an era of 'regime change'! On the other hand, some others styling themselves as politically correct “revolutionists” took up the chants of “the racist and corrupt regime has collapsed!”
But within a brief period of merely 39 months after GE14, the government has undergone changes on 3 consecutive occasions:-
- 1st occasion: The UMNO-BN government was ousted from power. A so-called "Pakatan Harapan" government was formed in its place, and Mahathir was elected as Prime Minister;
- 2nd occasion: Muhyiddin seized power by craftily resorting to a “Sheraton move”, and his Parti Bersatu [Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia] formed the so-called “Pakatan Nasional” government;
- 3rd occasion: UMNO re-gained the political power by forcing Muhyiddin to step down. Ismail Sabri as UMNO Deputy President, assumed the power of premiership, and formed a new government [tentatively designated as “Keluarga Malaysia”].
(1) Obviously, our movement for democratic reform has suffered major setbacks as a result of Pakatan Harapan leaders being overzealous in gaining power. They had too much faith in the crafty Mahathir in his twilight years. After assuming power as Prime Minister, Mahathir was not only contented with reaping the fruits of the people’s struggle, he was bent on dominating all forces
intent on establishing Malay hegemony;
(2) It came to light that, the "Sheraton Move" in February 2020 and the subsequent political development, was in fact a “coup” started by the UMNO ruling clique. They did not resign themselves to accepting their defeat in GE14. So they decided to work in collusion with Mahathir's “comrades in arms” (i.e. Muhyiddin Yassin and Azmin Ali who aspired to premiership) with a view to regaining power from the haughty Mahathir.
On the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat (2020), we published an article entitled "Unite and oppose Malay hegemonic dominance! - The only way out for the oppressed ethnic groups of our country!"
In the article, we ventured the following views:
- (1) The democratic reform movement has been deprived of their fruits of struggle under GE14 by Mahathir and Muhyiddin and their cliques. This is outrageous and the broad masses are terribly upset!
- (2) The current political relations in our country are still in a stage where the downtrodden and oppressed (Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun, Iban-Dayak, etc included) are vehemently opposed to the oppression by the Malay capitalists and the Malay feudal ruling clique.
- (3) Mahathir and his clique largely represent the interests of the upper class of the Malay capitalists. They are promoting the concept of Malay hegemony. They are the common enemy of the people of all ethnic groups. No matter how hard they have been trying to cover up their true colour, their attempt is doomed to failure.
We would like to point out that, since GE14, Mahathir’s selfish ambition has been completely exposed, ending up in facing ignominious consequences: he has been totally rejected by both the ruling camp and the opposition camp.
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| ▲ Mahathir is now troubled by the situation that he and his son are in. They are forced to survive on a sampan (a metaphor for Parti Pejuang), but no longer able to make waves. |
Although Parti Pejuang Tanah Air was formed as a tool for him to continue with his political struggle, he is now faced with the waning of his political influence. Judging from the current positions of both the ruling and opposition camps, a foregone conclusion seems to be that "Mahathir is nearing his fated end" in the coming general election and politics of our country in the future!
Mahathir is still fighting desperately despite having lost his position. He is in fact merely trying to safeguard the interests of his own family and his clique, hoping that his son Mukhriz may one day become the core figure in the ruling clique.
Having been side-lined by both the ruling and opposition camps, Mahathir still vainly sought reappointment by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as a prime minister non-aligned to any political party. In fact, he was aiming to establish a regime under his dominance. Both the father and the son are still eyeing for an opportunity to return to power. That is why he is vacillating between the ruling camp and the opposition camp.
Muhyiddin managed to seize power from Mahathir to become Prime Minister himself. But then he had to brave the challenge of the widespread coronavirus as pandemic, and to recover the sagging economy of the country. The living conditions of the people had become increasingly miserable, and their survival was at stake. Ultimately, they demanded that Muhyiddin should step down.
On 10 June 2021, Mahathir unashamedly offered himself to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to be chairman to spearhead a National Recovery Council (Mageran), to be formed for the purpose of dealing with the pandemic as well as economic, financial, and social education issues. Such Council was akin to the one implemented during the racial riots as far back as in 1969. His proposal was sneered at by all political parties. On 5 August, Mahathir went to the extent of having created a farce in holding the so-called "first meeting of a Shadow National Recovery Council".
Both the ruling and opposition camps as well as the common people have seen through the true colours of Mahathir. Everyone is extremely disgusted with his repeated political chicaneries. No matter what tricks he is up to, he will now be ignored.
Mahathir's doted son Mukhriz (Jerlun MP from Parti Pejuang Tanah Air) couldn't help but complain that Prime Minister Ismail Sabri didn't keep his promise to appoint Mahathir as Chairman of the National Recovery Council. Instead, Muhyiddin was appointed to the post.
Muhyiddin was earlier forced to resign as the leader of the country due to his failure both in fighting against the pandemic and in recovering the sagging economy. The scenario is a strong indication that Mahathir and his Parti Pejuang have been ousted from the current Malay ruling camp!
The broad masses have seen Mahathir vigorously promoting Mahathirian “Malay supremacy” upon his return as Prime Minister. They have witnessed the collapse of Pakatan Harapan which took over the reign of Putrajaya for only 22 months, mainly due to Mahathir having an unduly high opinion about himself and the willful acts on his part.
The populace have come to realise that Mahathir is merely a dangerous politician. He is a disaster to both the nation and the people. He is up to the neck in guilt. He has fallen into disrepute, yet still vainly struggling like a cornered beast. He is far from being a “national hero” trying to save Malaysia”. The people will not be fooled by him again.
If some top leaders within Pakatan Harapan still insist on inviting Mahathir into the fold of the alliance, hoping to win the next general election, the populace must then maintain high vigilance against such leaders, and be ever ready to give them a head-on blow.
2. The spectre of Malay hegemonic rule is still hovering over the heads of the people.
After the resignation of Mahathir as Prime Minister, Muhyiddin lost no time in forming a coalition government Perikatan Nasional in collaboration with other forces. The move had the support of UMNO as well as the blessing of the royal family. Not taking into account of Mahathir and his loyalists (MPs), Muhyiddin-led Parti Bersatu managed to gather 31 MPs, thereby becoming the
second largest party in the ruling coalition. UMNO on the other hand had 37 MPs.
On 9 March 2020, Muhyiddin formed his bloated cabinet comprising 70 ministers and deputy ministers. He then exercised his power as Prime Minister to appoint MPs from Perikatan Nasional to key positions in government agencies, GLCs [government-linked companies] and to special diplomatic positions and the like. Statistics from Malaysiakini as at 19 May 2020 revealed that, out of 113 MPs from Perikatan Nasional, all of them [except 23 MPs] were assigned official posts or political appointments. In order to maintain his slim majority in Parliament, Muhyiddin blatantly resorted to playing politics of power and money. He abused his position as prime minister in distributing political spoils.
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| ▲ (Left) Ismail Sabri, new Prime Minister. He took office on 21 August 2021. (Right) Muhyiddin, former Prime Minister. He was forced by UMNO to resign on 16 August 2021. What deserves Malaysian’s attention and consideration is that before and after stepping down, Muhyiddin was protecting Ismail, while Ismail after assuming premiership has returned the favor by taking care of Muhyiddin. |
In the meantime, UMNO having the largest number of MPs in Perikatan Nasional, was not willing to accept a lower position than that of Bersatu. The UMNO faction, led by both Ahmad Zahid [UMNO President] and Najib Razak [former Prime Minister], was anxious to wrest power from Muhyiddin. Both UMNO leaders and many others are facing criminal charges. The move to wrest power from Muhyiddin was obviously for the purpose of avoiding imprisonment for the crimes they had committed. They have been described as "court cluster" by the mass media and commentators. The Muhyiddin government had been fragile and shaky since its inception. The UMNO leaders kept pressurizing him to step down. Muhyiddin’s "Perikatan Nasional” regime could fall apart at any time.
The majority of UMNO MPs headed by Ahmad Zahid, had been coercing Muhyiddin into resigning from office. The contradictions and infighting within the ruling cliques had intensified. That eventually led to Muhyiddin’s resignation on 6 August 2021. Ismail Sabri UMNO Vice President managed to secure the support of a thin majority of 114 MPs. He was sworn in as the 9th Prime Minister of Malaysia on 21 August 2021.
It was clear from the facts that the different factions or cliques in the ruling camp striving for Malay hegemony, became seriously divided and were undergoing reorganisation as a result of fierce contention among themselves for political dominance. But they have yet to reach the point of disintegration and collapse.
They are to maintain Malay hegemonic rule above all else in the current situation. The ruling elite regard safeguarding the dominant position of the Malay hegemony and the overall interests of the Malay ruling class as of utmost importance; it is above all else. The interests of other individual groups are treated as of secondary importance and therefore dispensable.
That explains why on 10 September 2021, Muhyiddin mentioned in his speech in commemoration of the 5th anniversary of Bersatu, that it was necessary for him to resign as Prime Minister, and at the same time for Bersatu MPs to nominate Ismail Sabri as the new prime minister. Obviously, it was aimed at preventing Pakatan Harapan from returning to power.
The following facts clearly illustrate that the spectre of Malay hegemonic rule is still hovering over the heads of our people:
(1) The resurgence of the “Malay supremacy” economic policies.
On 9 May 2019, a year after taking office, Mahathir released a working paper entitled Shared Prosperity Vision 2030 (SPV).
Edmund Terence Gomez, Professor of Political Economy at the University of Malaya commented that the Shared Prosperity Vision 2030 (SPV) is but a rehash of the National Economic Policy (NEP) 1970, with similar emphasis on race-based Bumiputera policies.
Professor Gomez said that these race-based objectives were a departure from the Pakatan Harapan manifesto, which stated that economic policies would be based on needs, and not on ethnicity or race. Muhyiddin-led Perikatan Nasional government inherited the racist policy. He personally launched this SPV on 29 September 2020.
In a webminar hosted by Aliran on 16 September, Professor Gomez reminded the people to monitor closely the 12th Malaysia Plan (RMK12), released on 27 September 2020, as well as the upcoming 2022 budget. They are likely the concrete plans for the Ismail Sabri’s government to implement the Malay supremacy and the racist policy of SPV.
The outdated bumiputra economic policies initiated by Mahathir were inherited by Muhyiddin and Ismail Sabri. The recent issue of 51% bumiputra ownership of forwarding companies is just an example resulting from the “Malay supremacy” economic policies.
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| ▲ The comic above is from social media. Chinese businessmen are depicted as successful in running businesses for a long time. But they can hardly escape the dilemma of having to face control and plunder by the Malay political elite. The author expresses his indignation, and has deep feelings about the matter. The “Bumiputera first” economic policy is ridiculed by way of an easy-to-understand metaphor. |
(2) Re-introducing Act 355 as amended
Ismail Sabri, the new Prime Minister confirmed on 14 September 2021 that the government is introducing Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act (Act 355) as amended (commonly known as RUU 355) to enhance the powers of the Syariah Courts. It would be tabled in Parliament.
Legal experts and scholars have long argued that our Federal Constitution guarantees that civil law prevails over other laws, such as religious law and personal law.
The enhancement of the criminal jurisdiction of Syariah courts violates the spirit of our Constitution; destroys our current secular system; and creates two parallel legal systems in our country, both legally and factually. The Act 355 as amended is aimed at removing legal obstacles to the implementation of Hudud laws throughout the country.
In response to the introduction of Act 355 as amended, the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST), representing about 39% of our non-Muslim population, issued a statement a few days ago (on 23 September 2021).
The Consultative Council stated that they were much alarmed by the government's intention to introduce Act 355 as amended. They urged the Prime Minister to refrain from doing so. They are of the view that the Federal Constitution does not allow a parallel Syariah Criminal System to operate side by side with the present system of Criminal Law.
MCCBCHST referred to a poll conducted. It showed that even among the Muslims in the country, only a minority of 10.4% supported the RUU 355.
This RUU 355 incident goes to show that the Malay ruling elite refuse to give up their plan on Islamisation of the country. They are bent on consolidating the current positions held by them as well as exercising firm control over political power.
Their acts will eventually lead to unrest and incur the wrath of non-Muslims in the country. That may result in cause serious damage to the national unity and social harmony.
(3) The slogan “No Anwar, No DAP”.
Ahmad Maslan, Secretary General of UMNO disclosed in a Tweeter on 17 October 2020 that the Supreme Council of UMNO had decided in a meeting not to have any form of political cooperation with Anwar and DAP. Hence, the promoting of the slogan "No Anwar, No DAP".
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| ▲ Originally the political slogan "No Anwar! No DAP!" represented only the political stance and attitude of the UMNO ruling clique towards Anwar and the DAP. Subsequently, almost all Malay racist political parties have adopted it as their “fundamental stance and attitude” towards Anwar and the DAP. |
| The Malay racist political parties and politicians will put up false appearance of having undergone a change in their political stance and attitude, just to fish for votes and hoodwink the voters. They will genuinely change their “fundamental stance and attitude” towards Anwar and DAP only when both of them have given up their fight against racism, and be ready to be turned over. |
Ahmad Zahid, the UMNO president reiterated that UMNO would stick to the decision of “No Anwar, No DAP” in the UMNO General Assembly 2020 held at the Kuala Lumpur World Trade Centre (WTC KL) the following year, on 27-28 March 2021.
On 27 October 2020, SinChew.com reported that the UMNO Supreme Council refused to work with Anwar because UMNO believed that "Anwar is inseparable from the DAP." In the eyes of the political circle, DAP have the aspirations and the voices of the broad masses of the Chinese ethnic group at heart.
The scenario goes to show the persistence of UMNO in practising racial hegemony and its hostility and arrogance against opposition forces.
(4) Complete domination of the government by Malay Muslims.
The cabinet formed by Muhyiddin after the Sheraton move, was rated by the media as one having the least multi-ethnic appearance.
After Muhyiddin’s resignation, the present government is still dominated by Malay Muslims parties, namely, UMNO, Bersatu, PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) and PPBB (Parti Persaka Bumiputera Bersatu Sarawak). The only difference is that Muhyiddin as Bersatu president was replaced by Ismail Sabri, the UMNO Vice President.
The cabinet headed by Ismail Sabri, was formed on 27 August 2021. It has been widely looked upon by the public at large as “old wine in a new bottle”. It has been categorised as “Cabinet of Perikatan Nasional 2.0”.
Adham Baba, ridiculed as the "Minister of lukewarm water", was re- appointed as minister. But he was transferred to another ministry. Ismail Sabri has the unstable support of only 114 MPs. As expected, he will persist in practising racism and money politics to maintain his grip on power.
Though factions and contradictions exist within the ruling clique, their basic consensus is that the ruling power must be under the complete control of those representing the interests of the Malay capitalists and feudal aristocracy. That will never change.
3. It is against the fundamental interests of the people to deny the existence of racism and to refrain from waging a head-on struggle.
The new government is formed by a multi-party coalition having merely a slim majority in Parliament. Such a fragile government may easily collapse in case of party-hopping by two or three MPs from the coalition.
It is impossible to eliminate the increasing threat of the pandemic and the crisis of economic downturn! The resentful populace are sick of the politicians (in particular a few senior leaders) who are only interested in striving for power and personal gains, resulting in political turmoil and economic slowdown. Everyone wishes to have a peaceful and stable life.
Probably, for the reasons mentioned above, on 13 September 2021, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri and 4 representatives from Pakatan Harapan, namely Anwar Ibrahim (President, PKR), Lim Guan Eng [DAP Secretary-General], Mohamad Sabu [Parti Amanah President], Wilfred Madius Tangau [President, United Progressive Kinabalu Organisation] signed a “Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on Political Stability and Transformation”.
The MOU was entered into against the backdrop of the lesson learned from 2020 Sabah state election. At that time, the number of people tested positive for coronavirus in the country reached more than 2 million, while the figure of deaths was approaching 25,000. The severity of both the economic downturn and national debt crisis then was unprecedented. The signing of the MOU would probably enable Ismail Sabri’s government to achieve a smooth transition to the GE15.
With a view to mastering all forces to deal with Covid-19 pandemic as well as economic problems effectively, and warding off the risk of further spreading the pandemic after the election campaigns, the public at large and civil society organisations have conditionally approve the above measures. But it is not a blanket approval given to the government and Pakatan Harapan to do as they please.
After having gone through the painful experience of the futile exercise of "pitting Mahathir against Najib" in GE14, all Malaysians will certainly make more demands and tighten supervision over Pakatan Harapan leaders. We must level criticisms against any opportunistic politicians for betraying the interests of the people, and for hankering after fame and wealth, irrespective
of their political party and the positions they hold. If they do not show regrets, they will certainly be treated with contempt by the populace.
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| ▲ Anwar had been persecuted by Mahathir. He then initiated the "Reformasi" movement. So far, he had gone around advocating that "Malays, Chinese, Indians, Iban and Kadazan, we are in ‘one family’." He kept emphasizing that "PKR is not a racist party, but a pluralistic democratic party". |
| But after 9 May 2018, with a view to realising his dream of becoming prime minister, Anwar has disregarded the will of the people of all ethnic groups as well as the feelings of members of other parties in his alliance, and declared to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the whole nation that the government he wanted to form would be a “government dominated by Malay-Muslims". |
We have humbly presented our views on the inappropriate acts by Pakatan
Harapan leaders. We also had a dialogue with a fairly well-known Malay
leader towards the end of last year. It was an open and frank exchange of views on the following issues:
- (1) That Anwar called for the establishment of a predominantly Malay-Muslim government. This is certainly inconsistent with his original stand.
- (2) It was commendable that Anwar abandoned his illusions about Mahathir after the collapse of Pakatan Harapan government.
- (3) The establishment of a Malay-Muslim-dominated government ran counter to the current trend prevailing across the world.
After the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government as a result of the Sheraton move, Anwar went "soliciting support of the royal family" as well as "attempting to turn over UMNO MPs" with a view to "regaining power" expeditiously. Such opportunistic gestures are highly detrimental to the interests of the people. They have incurred the wrath of the populace and aroused their suspicion; such reactions are understandable. On our part, we have made our stand extremely clear on this matter, after the abovementioned Malay political leader spoke in favour of Anwar regarding his attempt to enlist UMNO’s co-operation.
We believe that our unreserved opinions reflect the feelings of the whole population for Anwar, the President of Pakatan Harapan and candidate of the prime minister, and their high hopes for leaders of democratic parties [including certain DAP - Democratic Action Party leaders] in their efforts to capture Putrajaya.
On 20 August 2021, immediately after Ismail Sabri confirmed that he had the support of 114 MPs and had succeeded in taking over Putrajaya, Teng Chang Khim, a Selangor DAP veteran, who had resigned from all positions in the party and the state government, speaking in three languages, he posed on his Facebook a soul-searching question to the DAP leadership: " If not because of
the naively smart alecks blindly going all the way with UMNO to oust Mahiaddin, Sabri would not have been made the PM." Teng's remarks make one wonder whether there was a "Perak coup” repeated at the federal government level.
Last year, on 6 December 2020, Ahmad Zahid, UMNO President indicated that he did not rule out the possibility of forming a new Perak state government with Pakatan Harapan. A handful of DAP leaders hankering after state power, hastily announced that "we are ready", totally ignoring the Perak citizens' feelings of resentment. They even wrote a lengthy open letter to the voters solely for the sake of justifying, among other things, their intention to work with UMNO.
These opportunistic politicians were actually hankering after power. (They were in actual fact "money worshippers".) It turned out that they were utilised by Ahmad Zahid as chips for bargaining on behalf of UMNO, with two other parties, namely, Muhyiddin [Bersatu President] and Hadi Awang [PAS President] for the post of Menteri Besar.
Ultimately, it was to the benefit of UMNO. The smart alecks landed themselves in an awkward position. They suffered heavy losses eventually. As the Chinese saying goes, they “try to make gain, only to suffer dual losses instead”.
Apart from the opportunistic politicians, a handful of so-called "democrats" (found particularly in the Chinese community) ignored the fact of racial oppression and discrimination prevailing in the country. They blindly opined that "today, it is no longer appropriate to pay excessive attention to the phenomenon of racial oppression in the country. The minorities [referring
largely to the Chinese community] must say goodbye to the sad state of affairs arising from racial oppression.” What an absurd and preposterous argument! They are adopting a hostile attitude towards the resolute struggle waged against racist hegemony in the country by way of simply negating, rejecting or discriminating against the struggle.
A few years ago, a political scientist, a holder of a PhD degree, far too immersed in Western ideas, ventured a ridiculous opinion that "If the Chinese community wish to annihilate UMNO, they must show affection for the Malays." These days, certain Pakatan Harapan leaders are willing to form an ally or to cooperate with UMNO or other racist parties with the intention of taking over
the reins of political power in the country. This would mean that, in their heart of hearts, they no longer believe that racism is still prevalent in the country. Such attitude has become the norm these days.
The conduct of the "democrats" and the leaders of Pakatan Harapan have had a negative effect of dampening the fighting spirit and paralyzing the minds of the populace to a certain extent. It is against the fundamental interests of the people to deny the existence of racism, and not to wage a head-on struggle against racism. People from all walks of life who are concerned about the future of our country's democratic reform, must deal a severe blow to them for their conduct which is prejudicial to the fundamental interests of the people! We must expose their hideous features to the world at large!
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| ▲ In the year 2020, the death of George Floyd, a black American laid bare the brutality of institutional racism in the United States. It triggered a large-scale mass movement against violence and persecution known as "Black Lives Matter!” The movement even spread overseas, causing widespread concern and resentment among peoples all over the world. The American court was forced to take "appropriate" legal action against the police officer who committed the crime. But the movement was subsequently trapped in the idea of "identity politics", and failed to advance in a correct direction. |
| Just like black Americans, the downtrodden Indians (Tamils) in our country have been suffering from discrimination and persecution because of institutional racism that has long been practised in our country. Some poverty-stricken Indians might have done wrong (but not amounting to serious crimes). They have often been treated with brutality by the so-called law enforcement officers. Sudden deaths at times occurred in police custody. The relevant authorities or political party leaders hardly give due attention to most of these "sudden deaths in police custody". |
| Those involved in such criminal activities are not prosecuted in court or brought to justice. Those leaders who voice concern for the people have merely been repeating the same old statement that “these cases are the result of the police abuse, and the IPCMC must be set up immediately to supervise the police”. Such oft–repeated trash only serves the purpose of hoodwinking the people. |
Finally, for those who show concern for democratic reforms and justice for all nationalities at home and abroad, we would like to draw their attention to an appeal made by Michelle Bachelet, the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the United Nations (UN).
On 28 June 2021, Michelle Bachelet made an urgent appeal to all nations to adopt a “transformative agenda” to uproot systemic racism. She published a report of the UN Human Rights Council soon after the murder of George Floyd, a black America by a white police officer Derek Chauvin in the United States on 25 May 2020.
“Systemic racism needs a systemic response. There needs to be a comprehensive rather than a piecemeal approach to dismantling systems entrenched in centuries of discrimination and violence”, said Bachelet. She called upon all nations to stop denying, and start dismantling, racism.
We are of the view that the appeal by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is in keeping with the fundamental interests of the peoples across the world. It is also in line with the position and the trend of democratic reforms in the contemporary world.
Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee
Released on 16 October 2021 (English rendition)
Released on 29 September 2021 (original Chinese version)
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