Unite and oppose Malay hegemonic dominance!
- The only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities of our country
Our views on the political situation in Malaysia
(in commemoration of the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat)
[Text below is translated from original version in the Chinese language published on 9 September 2020. In the case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.]
This article is rather long. It consists of the following 4 parts. Readers can read in sections——
| Foreword | |||
| (1) | Unite! Dump Mahathirism into the trash of history | ||
| (2) | Opposing Malay hegemonic rule is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities | ||
| (I) | Malay capitalist and social democratic parties have been reaping the fruits of struggle of the broad masses | ||
| (II) | "Say no to appeasement, persist in struggle" is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities | ||
| - The struggle of the Chinese community | |||
| - The struggle of the Indian community | |||
| (3) | The oppressed ethnic communities must unite and fight for a common future | ||
The following is the full text of the article-
Foreword
Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee was formed on 9 September 2001. This year marks our 19th anniversary. Our Founding Declaration clearly states that the goal of our struggle is to "oppose racism and racial discrimination" at home and abroad. All our members are volunteers. We sincerely welcome all like-minded democrats to work hand in glove with us.
According to the analysis of the present political development, the main target of our struggle internationally is the United States (U.S.) hegemonic clique. Therefore, any country or individual who is against the U.S. hegemony is our ally in the struggle. Similarly, in the local political arena, our main target of struggle is the racial hegemonic clique headed by UMNO and cohorts in support of the "Malay supremacy" and "pribumi supremacy".
Any domestic organisation or political party that is against the hegemonic clique led by UMNO, Malay bourgeoisie and bigwigs is the ally in our struggle. We have been consistent in our stand. We insist on our autonomy and take the necessary initiatives in carrying out our work.
According to the laws of the historical and dialectical materialism, the world will undergo an unprecedented change. The current international landscape and international system are undergoing profound adjustments, the world system of governance is undergoing great changes, and the international balance of power is undergoing the most radical changes in modern times. This in particular is reflected in the China - U.S. competition.
Several recent incidents occurring between the two superpowers have directly or indirectly affected the social and political developments in Malaysia. They include the following:
| 1. | A series of riots in the nature of "colour revolutions", such as the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement and the Hong Kong anti-National Security Law Movement aimed at subverting and jeopardising the unification of China as well as the social order of Hong Kong; |
| 2. | Trump’s administration has been passing the buck of its failure in controlling the spread of COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S. Such failure is in fact caused by the defects in the U.S. capitalist system. Racial discrimination is practised with a view to inciting public hatred at home or abroad against China, the Chinese people, and even the Asians; |
| 3. | "Anti-China" sentiment has been widely manipulated in Taiwan and U.S. presidential election campaigns. |
All ethnic groups in our country must maintain vigilance against the export of colour revolution and the spread of racial hatred worldwide by the U.S. hegemonic ruling clique.
Obviously, the U.S. has been adopting the Cold War mentality in dealing with the China-U.S. relations from the perspective of "Zero Sum Game". Some NGOs and certain intellectuals of Chinese origins in our country came under the influence of the theory of the so-called "The Clash of Titans" propounded by John J. Mear-sheimer, a well-known U.S. international relations scholar, at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
In the light of the narrow-minded thinking of such people, the U.S. will certainly continue to obstruct and suppress the rise of China. This is one of the important reasons why the China-U.S. relations and the situation worldwide are facing serious challenges.
At this crucial phase of the international politics, the best attitude China should adopt against the U.S. as well as those having illusions about western "democracy and freedom", is to steadfastly pursue a new path of "peaceful development" and "cooperation with a view to achieving a win-win situation", rather than following the beaten track of big powers seeking hegemony.
In our country, politics is also getting increasingly complex. A regime change known as “509” occurred for the first time in the history of Malaysia in 2018. It was in reality only a series of internal changes within the Malay hegemonic ruling cliques:
First, the Barisan Nasional government [led by UMNO headed by Najib]; then, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) [led by Mahathir in the name of Pakatan Harapan government]; and subsequently followed by Perikatan Nasional government [led by PPBM headed by Muhyiddin faction].
Such “regime changes” have been erroneously looked upon by a handful of "revolutionaries" as the "downfall of the regime pursuing racist politics".
The dispute among such groups is merely the internal conflict of different factions within the Malay bigwigs. When the idea of Malay hegemony prevails, the democratic reforms cherished by the oppressed ethnic groups can hardly be implemented.
A handful of Pakatan Harapan leaders tasted political power for the first time after the general election GE14 chose to dance to Mahathir’s tune, and thereby sank to the lowly level of being demagogues. Before GE14, they were touting the fanciful idea that "once Najib is overthrown, there would be hope for the people".
But now, some of them have betrayed the mandate entrusted to them by the populace. They went to the extent of forming "back-door government". Some even have high hopes of Mahathir recruiting "political frogs" to form a new political party with a view to forging an alliance aimed at returning to power.
Such "former leaders of Pakatan Harapan" have been hankering after power and wealth. They have resorted to political rhetoric, and at the same time turned a deaf ear to the popular demands. Such mind-set cannot be glossed over by the people. They will certainly be looked down upon and ultimately spurned by the people.
From Pakatan Harapan government led by Mahathir and his cohorts in PPBM to the Perikatan Nasional government led by Muhyiddin and his faction in PPBM, the broad mases of the people have discerned the emergence of an increasingly hegemonic and domineering Malay racist regime. Thus, despite the complexity of the current political situation, the reality has revealed that:
| (1) | The democratic reform movement has been deprived of their fruits of struggle under GE14 by Mahathir and Muhyiddin and their cliques. This is outrageous and the broad masses are terribly upset! |
| (2) | The current political relations in our country are still in a stage where the downtrodden and oppressed (Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun, Iban-Dayak, etc included) are vehemently opposed to the oppression by the Malay bourgeoisie and the Malay feudal ruling clique. |
| (3) | Mahathir and his clique largely represent the interests of the upper class of the Malay bourgeoisie. They are promoting the concept of Malay hegemony. They are the common enemy of the people of all ethnic groups. No matter how hard they have been trying to cover up their true colour, their attempt is doomed to failure. |
On this occasion of commemorating the 19th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee, we wish to put forward our opinions for promoting the development of the democratic reform movement in our country, and to share with all like-minded fellow-countrymen and our fervent supporters.
 |
| ▲ After Muhyiddin assumed premiership, he has spared no effort in wiping out Mahathir and his cohorts. Mahathir, now 95 years of age, has no choice but to hastily form a new political party for continuing the political struggle of his family and cronies. |
(1) Unite! Dump Mahathirism into the trash of history
Before and after 509 GE14, we have released two statements: (1) “Let's dump rubbish together on ‘509’! - Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent Mahathir from returning to power!”; and (2) “Unite with the masses and persist in true democratic reform! Abandon illusion and stop the restoration of ‘Mahathirism’!”
We called upon the public: (1) not to vote for UMNO candidates and candidates from the component parties of BN; and not to vote for Mahathir and candidates from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM); (2) vote for candidates from the original 3 founding parties of Pakatan Harapan [i.e. Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Amanah Negara (PAN)]; or vote for candidates who have the courage to have a clear-cut and firm position in opposing UMNO hegemonic rule and Malay supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu).
We believe that “Mahathir is a domineering and ambitious Malay politician. He has practised deception by way of pursuing a racist policy to the detriment of the interests of the people. That is where the danger lies.
If you vote for Mahathir, it would mean that you have been tricked into boarding a pirate ship, and you are throwing yourself on the mercy of Mahathir. You will be at the losing end, and you will suffer!”
Looking back, our views were then in line with the objective facts and laws of development, and are beneficial to the interests of the people of all ethnic groups. However, our appeal was neglected. Mahathir was enjoying the fruits of struggle of the people of all ethnic communities. He became the Prime Minister for the second time, with the strong support of several Pakatan Harapan leaders and their “advisers” who are craving for power.
Shortly after Mahathir’s return to power, he showed his true colours by implementing the policy of "Malay Supremacy". The policy is aimed at restoring the "Mahathir Dynasty" with a view to prolonging his rule. Such rule is largely for the benefit of himself and his clique. (Such rule is sometimes referred to as Mahathirism).
We have witnessed how Mahathir drove a wedge between Anwar and Azmin, and thereby weakened PKR's political strength. He has also ruined the relationship between the DAP leadership and its Chinese grassroots. We also witnessed Mahathir's political ploy in causing a split within the interest groups of UMNO and Najib, as well as winning over Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) in order to isolate UMNO, thereby strengthening PPBM under his leadership.
In short, Mahathir will never be contented with the status quo. He is always scheming and making preparations to overcome the obstacles he may be facing.
Examples abounds about Mahathir being arrogant and self-righteous:
| 1. | He has totally brushed aside the Election Manifesto [Orange Book or Buku Jingga] of Pakatan Harapan. He went to the extent of making the remark that "the manifesto is not a bible that has to be followed"; |
| 2. | On the issue of learning the Jawi script, Mahathir issued a threat to Dong Jiao Zong that "if they want to do something that is 'very Chinese', the Malays' response will be 'very Malay'"; |
| 3. | He tried to project himself as a "Malay leader" who could unite the Malay leaders of various parties and organisations (especially those from UMNO and PAS) in the Malay Dignity Congress, jointly organised by several universities [University of Malaya, Universiti Teknologi Mara, University of Putra Malaysia and Sultan Idris Education University] at the Melawati Stadium, Shah Alam, Selangor; |
| 4. | In an interview with the Consumer News and Business Channel (CNBC) early July, this year, he said, "it has been shown that the support of the Malays is very important for any party to win the election, and because Anwar's not very popular — being the leader of a multi-racial party — he needs somebody who's leader of the Malays to help him win the election." Mahathir was implying that Anwar and Pakatan Harapan cannot lose him, a Malay leader who is capable of winning the election. |
Mahathir was so arrogant that he had lost his sense of judgment. He thought that he had full control of the political situation right after 21 months of his assumption of power. That prompted him to tender his sudden resignation as prime minister.
He intended to ward off the control of Pakatan Harapan by way of aligning himself with UMNO and PAS. By doing so, he expected to secure a more favourable position for himself. But eventually, his pipedream of forming a new coalition of Malay political parties under his leadership fell through.
Muhyiddin Yassin, who was supposed to be a faithful follower of Mahathir, seized the golden opportunity to usurp premiership with the support of the royal family. He then formed a Perikatan Nasional Government comprising Members of Parliament from various political parties: PPBM headed by Muhyiddin, UMNO, PAS, GPS, and Azmin’s breakaway faction from PKR.
In reality, Perikatan Nasional Government is none other than a "back-door government" that has no mandate whatsoever from the people.
After the "Sheraton coup" in February this year, Wan Saiful Wan Jan, PPBM Supreme Council member revealed that "In various closed-door discussions and meetings after GE14, Mahathir was both adamant and consistent that he did not want to see Anwar succeed him as prime minister despite his public statements. To Dr Mahathir, Anwar is someone who would neither champion the Malays nor defend the privileges accorded to ethnic Malays by the Federal Constitution.
Around March or April 2019, in a PPBM Supreme Council meeting chaired by Mahathir in March or April 2019, it was agreed that the Hamzah Zainuddin (MP for Larut, Perak) should initiate conversations between PPBM, UMNO and PAS on the possibility of working together. Dr Mahathir wanted to bring together the three major Malay parties – PPBM, UMNO and PAS - so that a new Malay-led government could be formed. Mahathir also believed that Anwar's plans (to become Prime Minister) could be thwarted if the three major Malay parties, PPBM, UMNO and PAS, were brought together so that a new Malay-led government could be formed, doing away with the Chinese-dominated DAP and the multi-racial PKR."
It is an undeniable fact that Mahathir has always been advocating for a coalition comprising Malay parties only. The coalition is to be fully under his control.
Views were expressed by some leaders and "advisers" from the 3 founding parties of Pakatan Harapan as well as certain political commentators that "Mahathir is the saviour of the country", and consequently, the idea of "regime change” was promoted. It was also believed that the development of the democratic reform movement could only be realised if they acted in unison with Mahathir."
In view of the fact that, contrary to their views, the situation of the democratic reform movement has suffered a setback, they owe an apology to the people for their erroneous assessment.
It is noteworthy that, after undergoing such bitter experiences, some relatively fair-minded Malay political leaders were vocal in expressing their fair and just views against Mahathir. Zaid Ibrahim, the former Minister of the Prime Minister's Department, remarked that Mahathir was "the most selfish individual, unmatched in the history of the country". Such remark fairly objectively reflects the mental attitude of those open-minded Malay leaders.
Mahathir is doomed to be ostracised by the Malay masses. The main pressing task of the political parties, organisations and individuals working towards advancement of the democratic reform of our country, must call on all oppressed ethnic groups, including Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun and Iban-Dayak as well as the oppressed Malay community, to work hand in glove for rejecting in to Mahathir and his family together with their cronies. Let us dump Mahathirism into the trash of history!
Demagogues (particularly those leaders in Pakatan Harapan clamouring for the "Save Malaysia" campaign) and their “advisers” may continue seeking cooperation with Mahathir, and call upon the people to support Mahathir in his attempt to become the Prime Minister again. Such move is blatant deception on the people. That is really disgusting and shameless.
Obviously, they are no longer on the side of the people. They have, instead, turned themselves into enemies of the people. It is therefore time for the people to dump Mahathir and his clique as well as the ignominious Mahathirism into the trash of history.
 |
| ▲ After the February "Sheraton Coup" this year, Muhyiddin with the support of the royal family and Malay political careerists, successfully assumed premiership abdicated by Mahathir. After his political ascendancy, Muhyiddin managed to exercise full control over the party PPBM. |
| This resulted in the expulsion of Mahathir, the founder of PPBM, together with his cohorts from the party. Muhyiddin was merely paying Mahathir back in his own coin. Mahathir can now only lament, and try to extract himself out of such predicament! |
(2) Opposing Malay hegemonic rule is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities
Malaysia is deemed to be a semi-feudal semi-democratic capitalist country. "Semi-feudal" means that our country practises constitutional monarchy. Sultans are the highest symbol of the Malays and Islam. They are the landlords. They have the power to appoint Menteri Besar (Chief Ministers). "Semi-democratic" means that our central government is elected via a general election, contested by a variety of political parties on the electoral principle of "first pass the post" (i.e. a candidate is elected by simple majority vote).
Under the current political and economic systems, our country hitherto is dominated by the interest groups representing the Malay feudal nobility, the Malay bureaucratic capitalists and big bourgeoisie. They implement various policies of racial discrimination and oppression, for the purpose of dominating and suppressing the people of all ethnic groups (including the broad Malay masses and non-Malay oppressed and exploited people like Chinese, Indians, Kadazan-Dusun, and Iban-Dayak).
The exploitation and oppression of the people are carried out in the form of "racial oppression" in order to cover up the true nature of "class oppression". As such, it is a covert act of deception in the eyes of the labouring masses.
The socio-political situation in the U.S. serves as a lesson to all of us. The incident of persecution with the ensuing death of George Floyd highlights the following:
| First, | racial discrimination in the U.S. against the blacks is a reflection of class oppression on racial issues. The white capitalist interest group has all along been discriminating and oppressing the blacks. The fate of the black Americans has hardly been changed even after Obama came into power. This is because after becoming a member of the ruling class, Obama, of black origins, no longer experienced racial oppression. This clearly goes to show that racial discrimination in America is in fact class discrimination. |
| Secondly, | the protest movement of the black Americans has reached a deadlock. They are caught in the "politics of identity". (Blacks assume that they are American citizens, and therefore, they should enjoy the same fundamental rights as the white American citizens). |
They have forgotten about the experience of the Black Panther in its struggle in the movement for the liberation of blacks. They were the main participants in the U.S. revolution in the 1960s and 1970s. Their struggle for the liberation of blacks did not confine themselves to differentiating between blacks and whites. Instead, they adopted the general principles of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolution. In other words, they believed that the future of the black Americans cannot be divorced from the struggle in line with "class politics."
From what was discussed above, we now understand that the movement against racial oppression in Malaysia (i.e. the Chinese education movement and the Hindraf struggle for the fundamental rights of the Indian community) has also undergone similar predicament as the black protest movement in America. Each of them is trapped in the "politics of identity". They have lost sight of the "class struggle", resulting in their being unable to ascertain their future. We may look at the issue from the following two aspects:
 |
| ▲ Ahmad Zahid (picture) is the incumbent President of UMNO (United Malays National Organisation). He is currently involved in numerous corruption lawsuits. |
| UMNO was founded in 1946. Since the independence of Malaya in 1957 until the 2018 general election [“509” GE14], UMNO has always been the single party dominating the Alliance [now Barisan Nasional] political coalition. They have been doubling their efforts in pursuing the policy of racial hegemony. Corruption practices, abuse of power by the government leaders and officials have been on the increase. |
| Mahathir was in power for 22 years when he was in UMNO, the ruling party then. During that period, the country’s economy was booming. He and his children, together with his favoured cronies became filthy rich. He is one of the important representatives of the emergent Malay bourgeoisie. |
| Abdullah Badawi and Najib, the successors of Mahathir as Prime Minister (especially Najib) were reluctant to be obedient to him. They even acted against Mahathir’s will and interests. The conflicts within the UMNO ruling clique have thus become increasingly intensified. |
| As a result of the sluggish economy of the country, while the national leaders and government officials were amassing wealth by illegal means, corrupt practices and abuse of power have reached the unprecedented level of being totally unmanageable. The conflicts within the UMNO ruling clique culminated in a life-and-death struggle. |
| PPBM was established on the eve of the last general election. "Parti Pejuang Tanah Air" is currently applying for registration, pending the next general election. Both parties are political tools of the Malay ruling cliques. They are the products of the internal contradiction and mutual elbowing within the Malay hegemonic ruling cliques. |
(I) Malay capitalist and social democratic parties have been reaping the fruits of struggle of the broad masses
After World War II, the left-wing movement in Malaya (including Singapore) was under the leadership of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), Labour Party of Malaya (LPM) and Barisan Sosialis of Singapore (BSS) at different stages in our history.
In the late 1960s, BSS headed by Lee Siew Choh, gave up parliamentary struggle, and also withdrew from lawful organisations. Since then, the left-wing movement in Singapore has been gradually decimated. When Singapore was separated from Malaysia in 1965, the fruits of the people's struggle against the colonial rule were plundered wholesale by the People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore.
The left-wing movement in Malaysia also slipped into oblivion when some CPM members were by force of circumstances compelled to beat a retreat from the country. In the 1970s, the LPM boycotted the general election in Malaysia.
Meanwhile, within the Malay ruling clique, Najib's father Abdul Razak and his clique, mainly representing the interests of the emergent monopoly capitalist class, overthrew the incumbent ruling clique led by the first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, who, on the other hand, largely represented the interests of the Malay feudal nobility and comprador bourgeoisie.
Malaysia has since entered the era of Malay racial hegemony. At the same time, the progressive forces hitherto involved in the constitutional struggle against the Malay racial hegemony, voluntarily left the political arena in the 1970s. The role of constitutional struggle in our country was then taken over by the leadership of DAP. Among the leading figures in DAP at that time were Karpal Singh and Lim Kit Siang.
 |
| ▲ Hadi Awang is currently the number one spiritual leader of PAS. PAS was founded in 1951. Although its leadership and political strategies have undergone changes at different stages over the past 69 years, the party’s ultimate goal of establishing Islamic governance and "Islamic State" in Malaya [now Malaysia] has never changed. |
| The political power in our country has always been under the firm grip of the Malay ethnic groups and Muslims. UMNO claims legitimacy of its political power by advocating "Malay hegemony" and "sharing of power". PAS hopes to use "religious hegemony" and "sharing of power" to fight against UMNO and to replace it eventually. |
| On 29 September 2001, Mahathir declared Malaysia an "Islamic State" unconstitutionally, in total disregard of the provisions of the Federal Constitution. |
| In November 2003, PAS launched its "Islamic State Document" (dokumen Negara Islam). Both Kelantan and Terengganu State legislatures under the control of PAS passed the Hudud Law which is inconsistent with the Federal Constitution. Other Islamic policies have been introduced and speeches made, causing uneasiness and discontent among non-Malays and non-Muslims as well as some open-minded Muslims. |
| After the 2018 general election [GE14], PAS and UMNO joined forces to form a Malay political alliance - “Perikatan Nasional”. They are awaiting an opportunity to obstruct the growth of the people’s power rising against the Malay hegemonic rule. On the other hand, they constitute a rivalry against both the ambitious cliques of Muhyiddin and Mahathir. |
The struggle of the broad masses of the people against racism and racial discrimination has never ceased. Instead, the struggle developed in momentum despite the increasingly rigid implementation of racial politics and hegemonic rule by UMNO. In the meantime, the internal conflict and factional struggle within the UMNO ruling clique escalated, and the abuse of power and corruption became more rampant.
Such factors eventually contributed to the development of a "storm of protest for reforms". The populace demanded reforms in 2008 general election [“308” GE12]. The violent storm had shaken the UMNO hegemonic rule to its foundation.
However, the 3 founding member parties of Pakatan Harapan namely, PKR, DAP and Amanah committed some errors in the 2018 general election [GE14]. Such mistakes eventually led to the downfall of PH. The mistakes, among others, were:
| (i) | PKR was not able to get over with the limitation caused by the "Reformasi" movement. “Reformasi” was a Malay-Muslims centric movement. Its "spiritual leader" Anwar Ibrahim was persecuted and imprisoned; |
| (ii) | Certain leaders of DAP and Amanah were over anxious to become bigwigs [influential officers wielding power]. Without having due regard for the probable consequences, they welcomed PPBM to be a member party of Pakatan Harapan. |
PPBM mainly consists of 2 breakaway factions of UMNO ruling clique. They were headed by Mahathir and Muhyiddin respectively. Both are strong advocates of racial hegemony. The leaders of DAP and Amanah went to the extent of trumpeting Mahathir as the "Saviour of the people". As a result, the masses were deceived. The arduous struggle waged by the populace over a few decades against the Malay racial hegemony, came to naught.
It turned out that after the 2018 general election [GE14], the fruits of the people's struggle have been harvested by Mahathir. The arrogance, self-righteousness, juggling of power and wild ambition of Mahathir, have brought about irreparable damage. The fruits of struggle snatched by Mahathir were subsequently looted by Muhyiddin on the sly.
They are in reality jackals from the same lair, both represent the Malay comprador bourgeoisie and big bourgeoisie but of different factions and interest groups only.
The only difference between them is: Mahathir is often at loggerheads with the royal family. All along, there has been rivalry between them. Whereas Muhyiddin is backed and used by the royalty. Both of them are obviously "class enemies" of the people of all ethnic groups in our country.
They have easily seized the fruits of the struggle of the people because of the infiltration of the demagogues and their “advisers” into the ranks of the people. They hanker after high positions and handsome rewards. They have heaved high praises on Mahathir and Muhyiddin, projecting them as "the Malay leaders who are highly experienced and most capable of winning Malay votes."
(II) "Say no to appeasement, persist in struggle" is the only way out for the oppressed ethnic communities
The Chinese and Indians (mainly Tamils) are the two largest oppressed ethnic groups in Malaysia. According to the latest statistics, the Chinese account for about 23% and the Indians 7% of our population. From the British colonial rule to the Independence of the country, and up till now, these ethnic communities have always been divided and ruled, enslaved, and oppressed. The Indian working masses at the bottom level of the social strata, have suffered the most.
Both major ethnic groups suffer from the same racial discrimination and racial oppression. But due to the long-term influence of the "divide and rule" policy, they find themselves always in a dilemma where the Chinese always fight their own battles, whereas the Indians just bear with the status quo. The Indians regard themselves as the “voiceless ethnic community”. They are prepared to wait patiently for “the hero” to rescue them from their misery.
The struggle of the Chinese community
Although the struggle of the Chinese community against the British colonial rule and the Malay hegemonic rule in various spheres, including political, economic, social, and other spheres, the movement for the right to mother tongue education is undoubtedly the most influential one. It can best mobilise the Chinese community. Dong Jiao Zong, the leading organisation of the Chinese education, has made significant contributions in the struggle of the Chinese community.
After the aftermath of the sabotage by Yap Xin Tian and Chow Siew Hon factions, a Dong Zong new team headed by Tan Tai Kim has emerged. The encouragement from those who are concerned about the future of the mother tongue education acted as a catalyst for the formation of the new team. The team aims to inherit the spirit of the early pioneers of the Chinese mother tongue education movement. They will carry on the struggle since it is still far from success.
Dong Jiao Zong has set up a "Chinese Education Movement New Direction Working Group" to discuss the "New direction of the Chinese education movement". This group is headed by Tan Yew Sing with the following three main objectives, namely:
| 1. | To develop the new direction of the Chinese Education Movement, and to inject new dynamics into the Chinese education; |
| 2. | To mobilise forces from all walks of life to create a new variety of Chinese education; |
| 3. | To plan and build a multi-purpose education complex to serve as a Chinese education base for promoting Chinese education and cultural exchanges. The activities to be promoted in this complex include: training teachers and school administrators; engaging in academic research; organising academic seminars; providing education and teaching workshops; marking Unified Examination papers; carrying out student training and exchange programmes; organising cultural performances, exhibitions, etc. The estimated cost for the construction of this multi-purpose education complex is RM 25 million. |
The articles written and activities organised by the "New direction of the Chinese education movement" working group of Dong Jiao Zong indicate that——
| (i) | Wide publicity will be given to the idea that “Chinese education movement should adapt to a new political pattern of ‘democratic transformation’ or ‘transitional justice’” through systematic and organised public opinion; |
| (ii) | They try to convince others that "any effort to oppose monolingual education and forced assimilation" is a thing of the past, not keeping up with the times; |
| (iii) | They attempt to do away with the typical and symbolic "Lim Lian Geok's fighting spirit" ever present in the Chinese education movement and Chinese education leading organisations in our country. They also try to convert the Chinese education movement and Chinese education leading organisations into a large-scale corporate activity aimed at pursuing high-quality education the elites introduce into schools and institutes for higher learning. |
 | |
| ▲ On 25 December 1980, on the occasion of celebrating the 29th anniversary of Jiao Zong cum Lim Lian Geok's 80th birthday, Mr Lim Lian Geok delivered a speech: | |
| "I'm 80 years old this year. It is uncommon to live such a long life and be able to celebrate my birthday today. I have braved the challenge of time. I, Lim Lian Geok stand upright! I’m dauntless, above-board and dignified! I didn’t surrender. I didn’t accept any offer for appeasement! I didn’t give up! I didn’t dodge and walk away! Well, everyone knows that I’m not guilty. | |
| The ancient sages taught us: “Neither poverty nor humbleness can make us swerve from principle; neither threats nor violence can subdue us.” We are the descendants of Yuandi and Huangdi, the Chinese people. I have been nurtured by five thousand years of excellent culture. | |
| I didn’t become a turncoat to serve the ruling elite. I didn’t dodge. I am not afraid of others criticising me for bragging, I have lived up to the principle laid down by the sages!... I wish to share with our descendants the saying of the sage: "Neither poverty nor humbleness can make us swerve from principle; neither threats nor violence can subdue us." | |
| “I very much hope that the Chinese with a clear conscience will work hand in hand, become the standard-bearers of justice upheld by our nation; promote the unyielding integrity of our nation; and safeguard the dignity of the just cause undertaken by our nation. The culture of a community is the soul of that particular community. Its value is as important as our lives. | |
| “To safeguard our culture, we are prepared to let people walk over our dead bodies. However, we must not tolerate the deprivation of our sacred rights and we will not allow the dignity of our community to be hurt. | |
| Malaya [now Malaysia], is a multi-racial country. If you are talking about fairness and about unity, we firmly believe in abundance in diversity, and prosperity in co-existence. Anything said in violation of this principle is just falsehood. We don’t believe in such falsehood! It is sheer deceptive practice." | |
| The following verse is testimony to the "fighting spirit of Lim Lian Geok": | |
| “Scale the dragon with mighty dread, | |
| Furious fist smashes the tiger’s head!” | |
The practical experience of Lim Lian Geok, Sim Mow Yu and Lim Fong Seng, the three prominent leaders of the Chinese education movement, and that of the entire Chinese education movement have left behind the valuable lessons for us.
Any attempt to abandon the original fighting spirit of the Chinese education movement by way of entering into compromise with political parties; to have connection with political interest groups; and to be subservient to the political needs of Malay hegemonic rule, is doomed to failure.
Such attempt inhibits the normal development of the Chinese education, especially the Chinese tertiary education. It only serves to facilitate the infiltration of the careerists into the ranks of the Chinese education movement, enabling them to make use of the platform of Dong Zong or the Chinese associations to their own advantage; and to carry out their private corporate activities for their personal gains and profits.
The precious experiences of such prominent leaders of the Chinese education movement have been wittingly or unwittingly ignored completely by some Chinese “academic elites” of the younger generation. They put forward the misleading proposal or idea that "The Chinese education movement must undergo transformation in order to keep pace with the development of the modern trend".
On 28 June 2020, Choo Shinn Chei, one of the presidium members of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee, took part in an online forum entitled “Cross-Generations’ Perspective on the Chinese Education Movement” in his personal capacity. The forum was organised by the "New Direction of the Chinese Education Movement" Working Group.
Choo made a statement to the effect: “The Chinese education movement is the protest movement of the Chinese community. The new narrative should under no circumstances abandon the highly-esteemed spirit of Lim Lian Geok”. Choo’s views were in line with the position and those of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee pertaining to this issue.
Let us encourage each other, especially those who care about the future of the Chinese education, in our endeavours. The leadership of Dong Zong headed by Tan Tai Kim, as well as the leaders of all Chinese education organisations, and all like-minded people in the country who are concerned and enthusiastic about the Chinese education, ought to pay close attention to the proposals put forward by the "New Direction of the Chinese Education Movement” Working Group. It is of utmost importance to understand whether the “New Direction” conforms to the original objective of the forerunners of the Chinese education movement who have worked hard to advance the Chinese education movement.
The struggle of the Indian community
Now, let us now talk about the struggle of the Indians. The Indian ethnic group is the most oppressed minority in our country. They encounter very similar predicament as the black Americans in their country.
It is noteworthy that the Hindraf Rally held 25 November 2007, was the largest mass rally organised by the Indian community in the country. There were tens of thousands of protesters.
The Indians have always been marginalised under the racist policy of BN. The Hindraf rally highlighted the fact that the vast majority of the Indians in the country could no longer tolerate such policy of racial discrimination. They had no choice but to take to the street to express their dissent and give vent to their indignation.
Although the Hindraf protest march was only for a brief period, it is of great significance in determining the votes cast in the 2008 general election known as “308” GE12. For the first time in history, UMNO-BN lost its two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Since the Hindraf rally, the Indian masses have come to realise that they are in a position to curb the excesses of the Malay racial hegemonic rule. However, it is regrettable that the "political awareness" raised by this rally failed to develop into a well-organised "Hindraf movement" having outstanding leaders, clear-cut programme for its struggle, and participation of the broad masses.
Two factors contributed to the failure of "Hindraf" in achieving further development:
- External factor: The Hindraf leadership accepted the offer of appeasement from the ruling clique;
- Internal factor: the inefficient leadership within the organisation.
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| ▲ The Hindraf rally on 25 November 2007 was the largest protest march of the marginalised Indian ethnic minority against racial hegemony in the history of Malaysia. The organiser claimed that there were about 100,000 protesters. The mass media estimated tens of thousands of people participated in the rally. No one has any doubt about the mammoth attendance. |
| Five leaders of the protest march were arrested and detained. Waytha Moorthy, who was then in exile, issued a statement that "Article 153 in the Federal Constitution has become the source of the racist policies”. |
| He strongly objected to the segregation of the Malaysian people into 2 classes, namely, Malay Muslims enjoying special privileges and non-Malay/non-Muslim Malaysians (including Chinese, Indians, indigenous people and other ethnic minorities) who are without privileges. |
Before and after the Hindraf rally, the UMNO-BN government arrested and detained five leaders of Hindraf, including its key leader Uthayakumar. His younger brother Waytha Moorthy (a lawyer by profession) escaped the dragnet. He fled abroad to avoid arrest.
When abroad, in his capacity as "Hindraf leader" he did some publicity work on the issue of "dilemma of the marginalised Indian ethnic minority under the Malaysian racist system". But, eventually, for the sake of seeking personal interests, he accepted the offer of appeasement and was enlisted for services by the ruling clique on two different occasions:
- On the first occasion: He seemed to have secretly accepted the offer of appeasement when he was in exile so that he could return to Malaysia with no difficulty. After the general election 2013 [“505” GE13], he was appointed by the then Prime Minister, Najib as the Senator and Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department. He tendered his resignation after 9 months in office;
- On the second occasion: After the general election 2018 [“509” GE14], he was appointed by Mahathir as the Senator and Minister of National Unity and National Integration (Jabatan Perpaduan Negara Dan Integrasi Nasional). He served as Minister until the collapse of Pakatan Harapan government led by Mahathir 22 months later.
He accepted, purely in consideration of personal interests, the offer of appeasement from Najib and Mahathir. This was tantamount to a complete betrayal of Hindraf and the Indian ethnic minority. This was evidenced by the following incident:
After becoming a member of the ruling class as well as the ruling clique, Waytha Moorthy completely ignored his previous proposal for the repeal of Article 153 as quoted below:
“To repeal Article 153. Article 153 has become the source of the racist policies in Malaysia to the disadvantage of the Non-Malay Malaysians where about half the population has to suffer the daily indignity of being unequal in their own land.”
On the eve of the general election 2013, he signed the "Memorandum of Understanding" with Barisan Nasional led by Najib. He gave up two of the important demands in the Hindraf Blueprint: (1) To stop institutionalised racism; and (2) to form the Independent Police Complaint and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC).
The two demands happened to be Hindraf’s core demands for containing and preventing the police from resorting to the abuse of power, which has been causing deaths and injuries in the Indian community over a long period of time. Such core demands are also in line with the interests of the majority of the oppressed ethnic groups.
Such somersault on the part of Waytha Moorthy has been looked upon with disdain by the vast majority of the Indians and the populace.
After the appointment of Waytha Moorthy as Minister in the Mahathir’s administration, his brother Uthayakumar, the former key leader of Hindraf Rally 2007 then carried out his activities in the name of "Hindraf 2.0". Uthayakumar has been labouring under some illusion and frantically propagating to the Indian masses, the idea of waging a struggle known as "7-14" struggle. He toyed with such idea when he was under detention.
Such ill-conceived idea was to encourage Indian voters to shift and confine their voter registration to several constituencies having relatively more Indian voters. This was to realise his dream of fielding Indian candidates for 7 parliamentary seats and 14 state assembly seats.
He was naïve enough to believe that the so-called "7-14" form of struggle is the only hope for salvaging the destiny of the Indians. But such idea did not receive the positive response he expected from the Indian community.
The reason for such luke-warm response is that Indian voters and those of the other ethnic groups have already learned bitter lessons from history. They have witnessed the betrayal of numerous MPs and State Assemblymen. The sudden collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government is a good lesson to them.
They have come to the conclusion that law-makers elected under the current electoral system are largely untrustworthy. They have hardly any courage to speak up for the interests of the ethnic minorities, or to sacrifice for the cause of the people.
Uthayakumar claims that Hindraf 2.0 is an organisation representing the marginalised Indian ethnic group in our country. But the performance of Hindraf 2.0 for the last two years reveals that it appears to be a loose organisation. Strictly speaking, it is not well organised at all. It merely exists in name only. Its leadership is hardly of any calibre. It expects sheer obedience from the masses, but it does not listen to opinions.
The Hindraf 2.0 led by Uthayakumar ought to abandon the illusion that "electing Indian representatives to Parliament is the only way out for the Indian community". He should instead return to the path of yester years, leading the broad Indian masses to wage an arduous struggle for their rights; where the leaders were not afraid of making sacrifices, and have confidence in the broad masses.
They ought to bring into full play the strength and wisdom of their ethnic group, and gradually resolve the problems and difficulties they encounter, only then will they have a bright future.
(3) The oppressed ethnic communities must unite and fight for a common future
The history of the struggle of the two oppressed ethnic groups, namely, the Chinese and Indians, have proven that, fighting alone, be it the Chinese education movement or Hindraf’s protest, inevitably requires double efforts, but produces little result, or no result at all. This is understandable.
The following points are to be noted:
| (i) | National oppression in the context of our country, on the surface, takes place between two different ethnic communities, it does not mean that the whole ethnic group is oppressing another ethnic group. |
| In reality, national oppression is mainly carried out by the reactionary ruling class and ruling clique of one particular ethnic group. It is not carried out by the oppressed and exploited class in that ethnic group; and | |
| (ii) | The oppressed and exploited class of one particular ethnic group concerned is the real victim of national oppression. To a certain extent, the exploiting class in that particular ethnic group also becomes victim of national oppression. |
Apart from the Chinese and Indian communities, there are other minorities such as Kadazan-Dusun, Iban-Dayak. Besides, the Malay petty bourgeoisie and working class are also the exploited class within the Malay community. They are similarly oppressed and exploited by the Malay ruling clique, and they have a common destiny.
The Chinese and Indians, particularly the Chinese education movement and Hindraf’s protest movement, must work hand in gloves in the struggle against the Malay hegemonic rule.
The plight of the Kadasan-Dusun in Sabah and Iban-Dayak in Sarawak is even worse. Though the States have the richest natural resources, the people in the lower strata live in great poverty. That is largely due to the following reasons:
| (i) | Ever since Sabah and Sarawak joined "Malaysia", the federal government has been exercising full control of the natural resources, economic development and major tax revenues, etc. of both the states. |
| But the federal government neglects the development of the infrastructure for both the states. Corrupt practices and abuse of power by the federal and state government officials, have impeded the economic development of these two states. The economy of each state remains stagnant, and their people continue to live in abject poverty. | |
| (ii) | The ruling clique and political elites in both states have chosen to rely on the Malay ruling clique of the federal government, for the sake of protecting their personal positions and vested interests. They have no hesitation in resorting to various means to pursue wealth and positions. They have no qualms about betraying their own ethnic community and the fundamental interests of the broad masses. |
| (iii) | Sabah: A large number of opportunistic politicians are found in the Sabah State Government. Scrambling for power between the ruling cliques of the federal and the state government is therefore inevitable. |
| It is a norm for elected MPs or State Assemblymen to leap from one political party to another, or to quit a political party for the purpose of forming a new one. Political power is always subject to changing hands. Some people even make a joke about Sabah being the "home of political frogs". | |
| Sarawak: On the other hand, Sarawak is under the firm grip of Taib Mahmud and his family together with his cronies. He is a Malay from Minangkabau. Through his political party - Parti Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), he exercises a tight control over the affairs of the state, whether in both spheres of politics and economy. It is hardly possible for UMNO and other component parties of the federal government to have a “share in the cake” in Sarawak. | |
The oppressed people of East Malaysia and West Malaysia must unite. There is no doubt that great difficulties lie ahead. But, it is only a matter of time that the unity of the people will be achieved.
As a result of the rude awakening of the oppressed peoples, they are now waging unrelenting struggles all over the world. They are to determine their own destiny. The current protest movement of the black Americans is testimony to this. Only when the blacks stand up and vehemently resist the domination of the whites and at the same time oppose racial discrimination, will it be possible to attract a greater number of those fair-minded whites, to join in the struggle of the blacks.
The struggle of the oppressed ethnic groups and the oppressed people from the Malay community in Malaysia ought to adopt a similar line of struggle. They should shun the so-called strategy of "taking the situation as a whole into consideration". Such deceptive strategy was hatched by a handful of "political experts " or "strategists". It lulls the masses into a false sense of security, so that the masses will fall prey to the Malay hegemony.
The Malaysian people must embark on the path of genuine democratic reform and move forward with courage. Only then will the Malaysian people be in a position to free themselves from the racial hegemonic rule. They will then be able to build a brand-new Malaysia, where the people as a whole, regardless of colour or religion, will live in harmony and happiness.
We must firmly believe that there is no “Saviour” in this world. We have to rely on ourselves to achieve happiness. In a polarized class society such as ours, the people cannot count on a handful of those wielding power to bring true happiness to the people. The happiness of the people can only be achieved through the struggle and efforts of the people themselves.
In a class society, the society is invariably split into different interest groups with conflicting interests. One must first of all fight for the liberation of one’s own class and interest group in order to achieve happiness. Only by eliminating the social conditions that lead to destruction and repression of humanity, can the true happiness of the individual be achieved.
If any individual has to lead a miserable life, it is of utmost important to identify the root cause of the misfortune in our society, and then have it removed. Let us work together and move towards creating a happy life.
Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee
9 September 2020
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