林德宜《东方网》专栏评论:
是时候设 153 条文皇委会
❝
马来西亚社会在特殊地位条款和第153条文上陷入僵局和固化太久了。当我们周围的国家和世界已经发生了重大变化时，继承这国家的年轻一代有权重新开始，而不必受67年前的累赘约束。❞
本文是林德宜（公共政策分析学者）2024-06-07
07:45发表于《东方网》的专栏评论。原标题：是时候设153条文皇委会。全文如下（上图为《人民之友》编者所加）——
首相安华于2024年5月31日在沙巴兵南邦演讲时，如此指出：
❝我们不能低估半岛、沙巴或砂拉越的（极端主义）势力……他们只纯粹从特定的种族或宗教角度来看待他们的生存，这肯定不利于我国的社会结构。我必须继续重申这一点，因为存在一些极端观点的势力。即使在独立六十年后，你仍然可以听到（类似情绪）。这是不能容忍的。❞
在打造一个安全和团结的马来西亚努力中，首相安华的最新保证，其政府将继续争取、追求和确保马来西亚每一个公民的权利都受到保护和维护，这确实令人欣慰。
然而，安华需要其希盟同志或任何其他有抱负的政府机构之协助，以赢得这场战斗。
最近，关于玛拉工艺大学向非马来学生开放学额的急躁反应和争议，对于使用“种族隔离”一词来描述马来西亚情况的报案，以及许多与宪法第153条文下，马来人和非马来人社会权益的公开争执，都表明了，我国族群间长期无法弥合的伤口，与该条款的政策实施和影响有关。
宪法第153条文实施下造成的“伤口”，有时更会变成“坏疽”。这也可能是阻碍年轻人充分发挥潜力、建立安全、自信和团结社会的主要因素。
为何应成立皇委会？
那可以采取什么措施来治愈这个溃烂的“伤口”？需要怎样的“消毒剂”？而谁将负责执行这个行动呢？显然，在当下充满张力的政治舞台上，对马来人和沙巴和砂拉越土著的特殊地位以及宪法和第153条所定义的其他社群的相应合法地位和利益，进行任何审查都是困难的，甚至是不可能的，即使我们的政治领袖有最好的意图。
根深蒂固、对立种族政治和分歧不仅阻碍了国会对这课题进行明智和审慎讨论，而且《宪法》第10（4）条也规定，禁止质疑第153条及其保障马来人特殊地位、东马土著和其他族群权益的条款。同时，在《煽动法令》下，也禁止质疑第153条文——即使是可在国会中不受外界干预下自由辩论的国会议员，也不能例外。
无论如何，即使我们的国会不能辩论这个课题，但没有理由不能在国会外，由国家最优秀的人选，对这个课题进行独立和有意义的检讨和审视。
这样的举措是不需要获得执政党或反对党的批准来启动的。其所需要的只是一个或一群关注此课题的议员提出一份共识后的私人议员法案，要求成立一个皇家调查委员会。
这项法案肯定会遭到一些反对，但我希望由人民选出的大多数议员都会支持皇家委员会成立，以提供国会和这国家在这课题上所迫切所需要的，或可能是关键的分析和判断。
谁会支持皇委会？
除了国会议员的意见外，我确信我们的民间社会、商界、学术和其他组织随时准备就皇家委员会的组成、职权范围和其他必要特征，提供反馈和有用的建议，以便皇委会可以总结出一个可行的结果，并对政策和法律进行必要的改变，以推动国家前进。
马来西亚社会在特殊地位条款和第153条文上陷入僵局和固化太久了。当我们周围的国家和世界已经发生了重大变化时，继承这国家的年轻一代有权重新开始，而不必受67年前的累赘约束。
■
林德宜《是时候设153条文皇委会》原文——
Time for a RCI on Article 153
By Lim Teck Ghee
"We cannot underestimate the forces （of extremism） in the
peninsula, Sabah or Sarawak ... They would view their survival purely
from a particular race or religion and this would, of course, be
damaging to the fabric of our country.
I have to continue to reiterate this point because there are forces
with some extreme views.
Even after six decades of independence, you can still hear (such
sentiments). This should not be tolerated”
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim
Bernama report on PMX Speech, 31 May 2024, Penampang
In the existential battle for a secure and united Malaysia, the latest
assurance by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim that his government will continue
to fight for, demand and ensure that the rights of every single citizen in
Malaysia will be protected and preserved is indeed comforting.
However, he needs all the help that he, and his colleagues from Pakatan, or
any other aspiring government for that matter, can get to win this
battle.
The recent rash of controversy over opening university places to non Malay
students in UITM, the police reports on the use of the ‘apartheid’ term to
describe the situation in Malaysia, and numerous similar public tussles on
the rights of Malay and non Malay communities with respect to Article 153 of
the Constitution, are evidence that a long running festering wound in the
country relates to the policy implementation and ramifications of that
provision.
The implementation of Article 153 is a wound that has occasionally turned
gangrenous. It is also one that is possibly the major factor that stands in
the way of unleashing the full potential of our young in building a secure,
confident and united society.
Why a Royal Commission of Inquiry Should Be Established？
So what can be done to lance and heal this festering wound? What is the
antiseptic needed? And who can take on this operation? Clearly any
examination of the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and
Sarawak and the corresponding legitimate position and interests of other
communities as defined in the Constitution and by Article 153 is difficult,
if not impossible, to undertake in our supercharged political arena, despite
the best intentions of our political leaders.
Not only are entrenched and combative racial and political divides in the
way of sensible and judicious deliberation on this subject in Parliament,
Article 10 (4) of the Constitution makes it illegal to question Article 153
and its provisions to safeguard the special position of the Malays and
natives of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other
communities. Under the Sedition Act, questioning Article 153 is prohibited -
even for members of Parliament, who usually have the freedom to discuss
anything without fear of external censure.
However, even if our Dewan Rakyat cannot debate the subject, there is no
reason why it cannot initiate an independent and meaningful review and
examination of the subject outside its august body by the best minds of the
country.
Such an initiative should not require the approval of the ruling or
opposition political parties to jump start the process. All that it requires
is one or a group of concerned members of Parliament to table a consensual
private members’ bill calling for the establishment of a Royal Commission of
Inquiry on the subject matter.
Whilst some opposition to this bill is to be expected, I am hopeful that a
majority of our elected representatives will agree that a Royal Commission
should be able to provide the critical, and possibly pivotal, analysis and
value that Parliament and the nation badly need on this contentious
subject.
Who will support a RCI？
Apart from inputs by members of Parliament, I am certain that our civil
society, business, academic and other organisations will be more than ready
to provide feedback and useful suggestions on the composition of the RCI,
its terms of reference and other necessary features so that the Commission
can arrive at practical findings and the necessary changes in policies and
laws to drive the nation forward.
Malaysia has been stuck too long in the stalled and seemingly immovable
standing and status on the special position provision and Article 153.
Surely our younger generation inheriting the country are entitled to a fresh
start without the encumbrance put in place 67 years ago when so much around
them in the country and the world has changed. ■
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