前驻外大使丹尼斯伊格内修斯撰文:
国民团结或是马来主权
National Unity or Malay Supremacy?
作者/来源:Dennis Ignatius/部落格
[<人民之友>编者按语] 本文作者丹尼斯伊格内修斯(Dennis Ignatius)是我国前驻外大使。作者毕业于马来亚大学国际关系,是一个具有36年经验的马来西亚外交官员。它曾经在伦敦、北京、华盛顿服务,先后担任我国驻智利、阿根廷、哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔、秘鲁、巴拉圭和乌拉圭大使。自2001年至2008年6月,他是马来西亚驻加拿大最高专员(大使)。2008年6月他从外交服务退休之后,一直从事外交政策咨询顾问迄今。
作者难能可贵地从政治角度指出:最近一些所谓的“马来维权组织”反对希望联盟政府承认独中统考文凭的鼓噪和叫嚣,实质上是马来主权论者把他们这次在全国大选的失败看作是所谓”马来人议程”( the so-called Malay agenda ) 的一项挫折而作出的反击。这群马来主权论者正在摆出对希盟政府及其改革议程的最大挑战。作者最后向希盟政府提出了3项建议。
本文是他在其脸书上的一篇贴文的华文译稿(若译文含义与以下原文有所差异或抵触,则以原文含义为准)——
近来国内出现了对希望联盟政府是否应该承认仍然存在的61所独立(私立)华文中学颁发的统考文凭(Unified Examination Certificate ,简称UEC)的排山倒海的评论。
目前,尽管我国私立大专院校和一些外国大学都接受独中统考文凭作为入学的条件,我国政府设立的大学却不予以承认。
巫统主导的国阵与希望联盟两大阵营都已经在各自的競选宣言里,做出有条件(例如国文必需优等)承认独中统考的承诺。
当前许多马来维权組织正在发出狂暴警告,说什么:希望联盟承认统考将会危及国内的国民团结,破坏原有的种族和諧,损害马来民族,侵蚀国家主权,甚至冲激文明等等(诸如此类的言论)。
上述的尖锐的警告,会让人怀疑他们(这些人)所谈的是大规模的杀伤性武器,而不是一張单纯的考试文凭。
令人困惑不解的是:处于式微状态的独立中学(占全国中学少于百分之二点五的比例)所发出的一張单纯的考试文凭竟然可以发挥这么大的杀伤力。
让我们坦白说吧:这場对抗承认统考的吵吵闹闹,实际上跟国民团结和教育政策无关,而是关系到马来主权地位。事实是,可怕的事实是:独中统考文凭的课题仅仅是巫统在最后的这次全国大选惨败以后所摆布的政治棋盘上的马前走卒。
马来主权论者正是把他们这次在全国大选的失败看作是所谓”马来人议程”( the so-called Malay agenda ) 的一项挫折而作出反击。实质上,这是一个关于马来西亚应该是什么样的国家的争论:到底是建设一个让全体人民享有平等公正地位的国家,还是建设一个马来种族主义和种族歧视制度的国家。马来主权论者倾向于把一切看成是一场零和遊戲,他们不认为委任非马来人担任政府高職(如首席大法官、总检察长)是有利于国民团结和包容,反而认为是马来人权力的一种挫折。
马来主权论者不认为内阁有非马来人部長是我国多元社会的可喜现象,他们反而视之为对他们的独占统治的权利的一种袭击(一些形式主义掩盖了他们的种族主义)。
他们宁可在他们认为“对的(right)”的种族中找不诚实的人(dishonest men),而不会从他们认为“不对的(wrong)”种族中找高素质的人来担任关键性的职位。
在他们的计算里,非马来人的進步就是马来人的退步,任何的对非马来人的让步都会威脅到他们的生存。
在他们看来,不可妥恊让步,没有共同立场,没有任何东西可以让人分享。
甚至他们对国民团结和种族和谐定义乃有别於普世认知——他们的所谓“团结”就是服从马来主权,他们的所谓“和谐”就是非马来人须接受他们的下等的地位。
当然,他们宣称他们是为人民利益而斗爭,而实质上,他们是掠夺国家资源以自肥。
这是伪君子行为,这么長久时间的食髓知味已经致使他们无法认清现实,并发展到很不堪的极端地步。
因此,他们看来另有途径,当前朝政府与中国签署暧味条款,因负债所累而造成国家主权逐步受到危害,他们不当一回事,现在卻来转移视线,对一張仅仅是考试文凭大作文章、大放厥词,把虚构的谎言说成国家主权受到威脅。
他们只会对美国司法部揭露大马一哥盗窃国家财富的丑闻大肆叫囂,但对前朝政府在失去选民支持而败选的情况下秘密向美国求助一事则沉默不语。
他们对华文教育小题大作,却无视国内越来越多提供英国、美国、澳洲与阿拉伯国家的课程的国际学校。
他们可以接受外国课程,却不理性而愤怒对待日益式微的国内华文学校。
他们在国内表面上对华教哮咆叫囂,却悄悄把孩子送去中国留学。
他们反对承认独中统考文凭(以及相关课题)的整个论述只不过是虚假的操作,其实是在遮掩种族主义的真像。
可以肯定的是,他们本身不完全相信他们不屈不挠抛出的全部指控,但是,这些指控,对挑起群众的愤懑情绪,以迫使使希盟政府就范,接受所谓马来人议程,为他们日後重返执政铺路,是有用的。
到头来谁会相信马来人在他们自己的国家里会被称为“混蛋”,这个称号还是前首相纳吉用来警告马来人的字句(其实把人混蛋化的正是前首相纳吉本人)。
除此之外,巫统最高理事会成员罗门努尔阿当(Lokman Noor Adam ) 还宣称基督教或将成为官方的宗教。
他们当然知道,这都是虚假新闻,但很乐意去散播此类讯息,目的是在群众中制造恐惧和不安,以便夺回政权。所作所为都是破坏国民团结。
希盟政府如何应对?毫无疑问,这群马来主权论者正在摆出对希望联盟政府及其改革议程的最大挑战。
希盟政府如何去应付这些挑战,不仅仅将决定我们的这个国家的進程,甚至完全可能影响下屆大选的结果。
首先,希望联盟领导人必须主动反驳那些马来主权论者所散播的荒谬无稽的指控,不能容许虚假指责和伪造控状的存在。
其次,希望联盟领导人必须向乡间居民进行更好的说服工作,向他们说明现在进行的改革不会削弱马来人地位及其宗教信仰,相反的,一个由有能力、有诚信、有责任的领导人组成的清廉政府,必将使国家富强,而不是让他们本身富裕。这是全体马来西亚人的最大利益 。
最后,希望联盟政府对国家的未来可以作出的最大贡献是,主持一个全国性对话,让各界人士讨论如何界定我们的国家以及采取什么步骤去达致我们的目标。
国家经历了数十年种族主义与偏执,要改变它也真不容易,但是,漠视绝对不是正确的选择。#
[ 原文 ]
In recent days there has been an avalanche of comments on whether the government should recognise the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) issued by the 61 independent (private) Chinese schools that still survive.
Currently, it is not recognised by local public universities as an entry requirement though local private institutions and some foreign universities do. Both Umno-BN and Pakatan Harapan (PH) had promised in their respective manifestos to recognise it albeit with conditionalities (Bahasa Malaysia, for example).
Malay rights groups are now working themselves into a frenzy warning that UEC recognition would endanger national unity, jeopardise the existing harmony in the country, endanger the Malay race, undermine sovereignty, and even impact civilisation (whatever that means).
Listening to all these shrill warnings makes you wonder if they are referencing some weapon of mass destruction rather than a simple examination certificate. It is mind-boggling that a simple examination certificate issued by a declining number of private schools (comprising less than 2.5% of the total number of secondary schools in the country) has the potential to do so much damage.
But let’s be honest: this whole brouhaha over UEC recognition is not really about national unity or even education policy but about Malay supremacy.
The truth, the ugly truth, is that the UEC issue is merely a pawn on the chessboard of a much wider battle that has assumed fresh urgency in the wake of Umno’s defeat in the last election. Malay supremacists see the election defeat as a setback for the so-called Malay agenda and are pushing back.
In essence, it is an argument about the kind of nation Malaysia should be: a nation built on equality and justice for all or an apartheid-like one based on Malay exceptionalism.
Malay supremacists tend to see everything as a zero-sum game. They don’t see the appointment of non-Malays to high office (Chief Justice, Attorney-General) as a plus for national unity and inclusiveness but as a setback for Malay power. They don’t see the non-Malay faces in Cabinet as a welcome reflection of our diversity but as an assault on their right to rule exclusively (sans some tokenism to belie their racism).
They’d rather have dishonest men of the ‘right’ race in key positions than good men of the ‘wrong’ race. In their calculus, every step forward for the non-Malays is a step backward for the Malays, every concession made, a threat to their very existence.
With them, there is no compromise, no common ground, nothing left over to share. Even their definition of terms like national unity and harmony differs from its common usage –unity means respect for Malay supremacy; harmony means non-Malay acceptance of their inferior position.
Of course, it is also a fight for the right to plunder the nation’s resources and enrich themselves at the expense of the very people they claim to be fighting for.
They have fed on their own bile for so long that it has blinded them to reality and taken them to new heights of hypocrisy.
And so, they look the other way while the country’s sovereignty is progressively imperilled by indebtedness from dubious deals with China but get worked up by imaginary threats to sovereignty posed by a mere examination certificate.
They protest about foreign interference when the US Department of Justice investigates MO1 for the largest action ever undertaken under the US Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, but have nothing to say about recent revelations that the former government had secretly appealed to the US for help to cling to power in the event they lost the popular vote.
They make a fuss about Chinese education but don’t seem to notice the rising number of international schools in the country offering British, American, Australian or Arab national curricula. They have no problem accepting foreign curricula but get their knickers in a knot over the curriculum of a declining number of local Chinese schools. They howl and scream against Chinese education at home but quietly send their sons to China to study.
Their whole argument against UEC recognition (as well as related issues) is simply a sham construct, a fig leaf to cover the racism that lurks behind it.
To be sure, they themselves don’t really believe all the allegations they tirelessly throw about, but it is useful to stir up the masses and generate the outrage they need to pressure the PH government into acceding to the so-called Malay agenda while plotting their own return to power.
After all, who really believes that the Malays are about to be “bastardised” in their own country as former Prime Minister Najib Razak warned recently (and this from the very man who did more to “bastardise” the nation than anyone else). Or that Christianity is about to become the official religion of the country, as Umno Supreme Council member Lokman Noor Adam claims.
They know its all fake news but they are more than willing to spread it to fuel fears and exploit insecurities for the sake of power; national unity be damned.
Undoubtedly, Malay supremacist groups now pose the biggest challenge to the PH government and the reform agenda. How PH responds to this challenge will determine not only the very character of our nation going forward but, quite possibly, the outcome of the next election.
For a start, PH leaders need to go on the offensive to rebut the unfounded and nonsensical allegations being made by Malay supremacists. Fabricated allegations and false charges must not be allowed to stand.
As well, they need to do a far better job convincing the rural heartland that, far from weakening race and religion, the reforms now under way will benefit them more than anyone else, that having a clean government staffed by capable, honest and accountable leaders dedicated to enriching the nation instead of themselves is in the best interests of all Malaysians.
Ultimately, the biggest contribution that the PH government can make to the future of our nation will be to moderate a national conversation on how our nation will be defined and the steps that must be taken to get there. After decades of racism and bigotry, it won’t be easy, but ignoring it is no longer an option.
Dennis Ignatius is a former ambassador.
[Dennis Ignatius | Kuala Lumpur |30th July 2018]
作者难能可贵地从政治角度指出:最近一些所谓的“马来维权组织”反对希望联盟政府承认独中统考文凭的鼓噪和叫嚣,实质上是马来主权论者把他们这次在全国大选的失败看作是所谓”马来人议程”( the so-called Malay agenda ) 的一项挫折而作出的反击。这群马来主权论者正在摆出对希盟政府及其改革议程的最大挑战。作者最后向希盟政府提出了3项建议。
本文是他在其脸书上的一篇贴文的华文译稿(若译文含义与以下原文有所差异或抵触,则以原文含义为准)——
近来国内出现了对希望联盟政府是否应该承认仍然存在的61所独立(私立)华文中学颁发的统考文凭(Unified Examination Certificate ,简称UEC)的排山倒海的评论。
目前,尽管我国私立大专院校和一些外国大学都接受独中统考文凭作为入学的条件,我国政府设立的大学却不予以承认。
巫统主导的国阵与希望联盟两大阵营都已经在各自的競选宣言里,做出有条件(例如国文必需优等)承认独中统考的承诺。
当前许多马来维权組织正在发出狂暴警告,说什么:希望联盟承认统考将会危及国内的国民团结,破坏原有的种族和諧,损害马来民族,侵蚀国家主权,甚至冲激文明等等(诸如此类的言论)。
政治棋盘上的“马前走卒”
上述的尖锐的警告,会让人怀疑他们(这些人)所谈的是大规模的杀伤性武器,而不是一張单纯的考试文凭。
令人困惑不解的是:处于式微状态的独立中学(占全国中学少于百分之二点五的比例)所发出的一張单纯的考试文凭竟然可以发挥这么大的杀伤力。
让我们坦白说吧:这場对抗承认统考的吵吵闹闹,实际上跟国民团结和教育政策无关,而是关系到马来主权地位。事实是,可怕的事实是:独中统考文凭的课题仅仅是巫统在最后的这次全国大选惨败以后所摆布的政治棋盘上的马前走卒。
马来主权论者正是把他们这次在全国大选的失败看作是所谓”马来人议程”( the so-called Malay agenda ) 的一项挫折而作出反击。实质上,这是一个关于马来西亚应该是什么样的国家的争论:到底是建设一个让全体人民享有平等公正地位的国家,还是建设一个马来种族主义和种族歧视制度的国家。马来主权论者倾向于把一切看成是一场零和遊戲,他们不认为委任非马来人担任政府高職(如首席大法官、总检察长)是有利于国民团结和包容,反而认为是马来人权力的一种挫折。
马来主权论者不认为内阁有非马来人部長是我国多元社会的可喜现象,他们反而视之为对他们的独占统治的权利的一种袭击(一些形式主义掩盖了他们的种族主义)。
他们宁可在他们认为“对的(right)”的种族中找不诚实的人(dishonest men),而不会从他们认为“不对的(wrong)”种族中找高素质的人来担任关键性的职位。
在他们的计算里,非马来人的進步就是马来人的退步,任何的对非马来人的让步都会威脅到他们的生存。
在他们看来,不可妥恊让步,没有共同立场,没有任何东西可以让人分享。
他们的所谓“团结”与“和谐”
甚至他们对国民团结和种族和谐定义乃有别於普世认知——他们的所谓“团结”就是服从马来主权,他们的所谓“和谐”就是非马来人须接受他们的下等的地位。
当然,他们宣称他们是为人民利益而斗爭,而实质上,他们是掠夺国家资源以自肥。
这是伪君子行为,这么長久时间的食髓知味已经致使他们无法认清现实,并发展到很不堪的极端地步。
因此,他们看来另有途径,当前朝政府与中国签署暧味条款,因负债所累而造成国家主权逐步受到危害,他们不当一回事,现在卻来转移视线,对一張仅仅是考试文凭大作文章、大放厥词,把虚构的谎言说成国家主权受到威脅。
他们只会对美国司法部揭露大马一哥盗窃国家财富的丑闻大肆叫囂,但对前朝政府在失去选民支持而败选的情况下秘密向美国求助一事则沉默不语。
他们对华文教育小题大作,却无视国内越来越多提供英国、美国、澳洲与阿拉伯国家的课程的国际学校。
他们可以接受外国课程,却不理性而愤怒对待日益式微的国内华文学校。
他们在国内表面上对华教哮咆叫囂,却悄悄把孩子送去中国留学。
反对承认统考,是虚假操作
他们反对承认独中统考文凭(以及相关课题)的整个论述只不过是虚假的操作,其实是在遮掩种族主义的真像。
可以肯定的是,他们本身不完全相信他们不屈不挠抛出的全部指控,但是,这些指控,对挑起群众的愤懑情绪,以迫使使希盟政府就范,接受所谓马来人议程,为他们日後重返执政铺路,是有用的。
到头来谁会相信马来人在他们自己的国家里会被称为“混蛋”,这个称号还是前首相纳吉用来警告马来人的字句(其实把人混蛋化的正是前首相纳吉本人)。
除此之外,巫统最高理事会成员罗门努尔阿当(Lokman Noor Adam ) 还宣称基督教或将成为官方的宗教。
他们当然知道,这都是虚假新闻,但很乐意去散播此类讯息,目的是在群众中制造恐惧和不安,以便夺回政权。所作所为都是破坏国民团结。
希盟政府如何应对?毫无疑问,这群马来主权论者正在摆出对希望联盟政府及其改革议程的最大挑战。
谨向希盟政府提3项建议
希盟政府如何去应付这些挑战,不仅仅将决定我们的这个国家的進程,甚至完全可能影响下屆大选的结果。
首先,希望联盟领导人必须主动反驳那些马来主权论者所散播的荒谬无稽的指控,不能容许虚假指责和伪造控状的存在。
其次,希望联盟领导人必须向乡间居民进行更好的说服工作,向他们说明现在进行的改革不会削弱马来人地位及其宗教信仰,相反的,一个由有能力、有诚信、有责任的领导人组成的清廉政府,必将使国家富强,而不是让他们本身富裕。这是全体马来西亚人的最大利益 。
最后,希望联盟政府对国家的未来可以作出的最大贡献是,主持一个全国性对话,让各界人士讨论如何界定我们的国家以及采取什么步骤去达致我们的目标。
国家经历了数十年种族主义与偏执,要改变它也真不容易,但是,漠视绝对不是正确的选择。#
[ 原文 ]
National Unity or Malay Supremacy?
By Dennis Ignatius
In recent days there has been an avalanche of comments on whether the government should recognise the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) issued by the 61 independent (private) Chinese schools that still survive.
Currently, it is not recognised by local public universities as an entry requirement though local private institutions and some foreign universities do. Both Umno-BN and Pakatan Harapan (PH) had promised in their respective manifestos to recognise it albeit with conditionalities (Bahasa Malaysia, for example).
Malay rights groups are now working themselves into a frenzy warning that UEC recognition would endanger national unity, jeopardise the existing harmony in the country, endanger the Malay race, undermine sovereignty, and even impact civilisation (whatever that means).
Pawn on a chessboard
Listening to all these shrill warnings makes you wonder if they are referencing some weapon of mass destruction rather than a simple examination certificate. It is mind-boggling that a simple examination certificate issued by a declining number of private schools (comprising less than 2.5% of the total number of secondary schools in the country) has the potential to do so much damage.
But let’s be honest: this whole brouhaha over UEC recognition is not really about national unity or even education policy but about Malay supremacy.
The truth, the ugly truth, is that the UEC issue is merely a pawn on the chessboard of a much wider battle that has assumed fresh urgency in the wake of Umno’s defeat in the last election. Malay supremacists see the election defeat as a setback for the so-called Malay agenda and are pushing back.
In essence, it is an argument about the kind of nation Malaysia should be: a nation built on equality and justice for all or an apartheid-like one based on Malay exceptionalism.
Malay supremacists tend to see everything as a zero-sum game. They don’t see the appointment of non-Malays to high office (Chief Justice, Attorney-General) as a plus for national unity and inclusiveness but as a setback for Malay power. They don’t see the non-Malay faces in Cabinet as a welcome reflection of our diversity but as an assault on their right to rule exclusively (sans some tokenism to belie their racism).
They’d rather have dishonest men of the ‘right’ race in key positions than good men of the ‘wrong’ race. In their calculus, every step forward for the non-Malays is a step backward for the Malays, every concession made, a threat to their very existence.
With them, there is no compromise, no common ground, nothing left over to share. Even their definition of terms like national unity and harmony differs from its common usage –unity means respect for Malay supremacy; harmony means non-Malay acceptance of their inferior position.
Of course, it is also a fight for the right to plunder the nation’s resources and enrich themselves at the expense of the very people they claim to be fighting for.
Sheer hypocrisy
They have fed on their own bile for so long that it has blinded them to reality and taken them to new heights of hypocrisy.
And so, they look the other way while the country’s sovereignty is progressively imperilled by indebtedness from dubious deals with China but get worked up by imaginary threats to sovereignty posed by a mere examination certificate.
They protest about foreign interference when the US Department of Justice investigates MO1 for the largest action ever undertaken under the US Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, but have nothing to say about recent revelations that the former government had secretly appealed to the US for help to cling to power in the event they lost the popular vote.
They make a fuss about Chinese education but don’t seem to notice the rising number of international schools in the country offering British, American, Australian or Arab national curricula. They have no problem accepting foreign curricula but get their knickers in a knot over the curriculum of a declining number of local Chinese schools. They howl and scream against Chinese education at home but quietly send their sons to China to study.
A sham construct
Their whole argument against UEC recognition (as well as related issues) is simply a sham construct, a fig leaf to cover the racism that lurks behind it.
To be sure, they themselves don’t really believe all the allegations they tirelessly throw about, but it is useful to stir up the masses and generate the outrage they need to pressure the PH government into acceding to the so-called Malay agenda while plotting their own return to power.
After all, who really believes that the Malays are about to be “bastardised” in their own country as former Prime Minister Najib Razak warned recently (and this from the very man who did more to “bastardise” the nation than anyone else). Or that Christianity is about to become the official religion of the country, as Umno Supreme Council member Lokman Noor Adam claims.
They know its all fake news but they are more than willing to spread it to fuel fears and exploit insecurities for the sake of power; national unity be damned.
How will PH respond?
Undoubtedly, Malay supremacist groups now pose the biggest challenge to the PH government and the reform agenda. How PH responds to this challenge will determine not only the very character of our nation going forward but, quite possibly, the outcome of the next election.
For a start, PH leaders need to go on the offensive to rebut the unfounded and nonsensical allegations being made by Malay supremacists. Fabricated allegations and false charges must not be allowed to stand.
As well, they need to do a far better job convincing the rural heartland that, far from weakening race and religion, the reforms now under way will benefit them more than anyone else, that having a clean government staffed by capable, honest and accountable leaders dedicated to enriching the nation instead of themselves is in the best interests of all Malaysians.
Ultimately, the biggest contribution that the PH government can make to the future of our nation will be to moderate a national conversation on how our nation will be defined and the steps that must be taken to get there. After decades of racism and bigotry, it won’t be easy, but ignoring it is no longer an option.
Dennis Ignatius is a former ambassador.
[Dennis Ignatius | Kuala Lumpur |30th July 2018]
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