Wednesday, 13 May 2015

"May 13 Student Movement" Singapore was led by the Singapore People's Anti-British League (Part 1) -- The interview with Lim Hock Koon, representative petitioning the Governor in "May 13" 【Updated Editor's Note on 15 May】

"May 13 Student Movement" Singapore was led by the Singapore People's Anti-British League (Part 1)

-- The interview with Lim Hock Koon, representative petitioning the Governor in "May 13"


Translated by Chai Chean Nee

[Text below is translated from original version in the Chinese language published on 6 December 2014. In the case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.]

"513" that set off the waves of anti-colonialism in Singapore in 1950s

【Sahabat Rakyat Editor’s Note】 The argument about "Did Communist Party of Malaya (MCP) exercise leadership in the May 13 student movement in Singapore?" has become more and more apparent and widespread among the former leftists after the 60th anniversary commemoration of the "May 13 student movement in Singapore" this year (2014) and after two scholars published their articles with different views before and after this commemoration event. However, debaters lacked convincing facts or documents to support their argumentations and assertions. This is certainly closely related to the fact that MCP had been at "illegal status" and unable to operate effectively because it had been destroyed by the enemy and spies, and due to Lee Kuan Yew ruling clique’s imperious approach of monopolising and not revealing some important confidential documents.

From our observation, as mentioned by a young scholar, some debaters consciously or unconsciously denied the existence and the role played by MCP in the struggle against British colonial rule striving for the independence of the nation. Their remarks are no different from accepting the official thoughts and assertions. We think it is understandable when those English-educated scholars who were born after 1950s deny or distort MCP’s role and influence in the anti-colonialisation struggle in the situation today as MCP has faded away and MCP’s influence is no longer exist. However, it is really inconceivable that those old leftists and some leaders of Chinese school background who were involved in the anti-colonialisation struggle till today still busy casting aside the relationship with MCP or MCP’s underground organisations. Wouldn’t those former leftists worry that their argumentation and proposition of "casting aside the relationship with MCP or MCP’s underground organisations" will ultimately be used by the Singapore ruling clique as a powerful discourse in conjunction with the 50 years of independence celebration to boost that "Lee Kuan Yew is the great founding prime minister, "men in white is the true pioneer generation"?

After publishing "Arguments about ‘Did MCP exercise leadership in the May 13 student movement in Singapore?’" (2 rounds), Sahabat Rakyat wished to approach the leadership of the "May 13 Incident" to understand their views on this matter. With the assistance and coordination of Chng Min Oh, a former unionist who is currently a Chinese medicine practitioner, Chen Xin, Choo Shinn Chei, Ang Pei Shan, Nyam Kee Han and Yong Siew Lee, delegates from Sahabat Rakyat, managed to interview Lim Hock Koon, who delivered the keynote speech during the 60th anniversary commemoration of the "May 13 student movement in Singapore" in early November, and have organised the interview into the following 2 parts:

Part 2 : Discussion about the "May 13 Incident" between Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee members and Lim Hock Koon

Below are the full contents of the first part:

Part 1: Family, educational and political background of Lim Hock Koon

Sahabat Rakyat: Would you briefly tell us about your family, educational and political background for people to understand the reason of you joining the movement?

Lim Hock Koon: I can only tell the truth without properly organising it. I considered myself from a well-off family. My father, Lin Chaonan was a fishmonger at Tekka market that was then near the Little India now. I remembered Lee Kuan Yew's mother always came to buy fish at the market. My mother, Sun Yufeng was a housewife. There were all together seven brothers and three sisters of us. We stayed in a house at the back of Tekka market. The market and the house still exist today. I am in the third among the siblings. Lim Hock Siew (Sahabat Rakyat’s note: He was an important leader of the Socialist Front (Barisan Sosialis) who was arrested, detained without trial and jailed for 20 years under the "February 2" 1963 incident that was also known as "Operation Cold Store".) is my second eldest brother. I have four younger brothers. My second eldest sister was given away when I was young. My parents were both illiterates. They couldn't read and write. My father was the breadwinner in the household. My eldest brother, second eldest brother and a younger brother were English educated, whereas the other siblings, including myself were Chinese educated. My eldest brother stopped schooling after Form 3. My second eldest brother had finished his study in University Malaya and became a doctor. As to me, I bumped into the May 13 Incident and was hunted by the government when I was in Form 4 in Chung Cheng High School. I was forced to lead a life under cover after that.

Lim Hock Koon and Goh Choe Cheng tightly-bound couple in adversity.

Lim Hock Koon, 79, born on 30 March 1935
Goh Choe Cheng, 77, born on 19 November 1938

Sahabat Rakyat: You mentioned about your second eldest brother, Lim Hock Siew. Would you tell us how did you and Lim Hock Siew start to get involved in political arena of anti-colonialisation movement at that time?

Lim Hock Koon: From what I can recall, thing that left me with the most impression was the comprehensive victory of the China people's revolutionary war in 1949, followed by the birth of People's Republic of China and the liberation of the Chinese nation. That was an earth-shattering news and it had brought tremendous influence to Singapore Chinese community and Chinese middle school students in 1950s. I was of no exception apparently. I remembered that many people headed back to China at that time. I, too had the same thought initially. However, I abandoned the original idea and decided to stay after much thought on it. In those days, many Chinese-educated middle school students had a kind of political sentiment that going back to China was to contribute to socialism, whereas staying in Singapore was to exert a little effort in the struggle against colonialism.

Due to the affection and support toward China from the overseas Chinese and Chinese community, young students had shown their enthusiasm in the Chinese People's Liberation Movement and Socialism Movement. At that time, the British colonial government monitored the Chinese community’s and Chinese middle school students’ movement in Malaya (including Singapore) closely. The suppression was profound. I went to Chung Cheng High School in 1951. It was a time where Special Branch officers could enter the campus to arrest students or teachers anytime. It was a time where students studying quietly would be stuttered by the hasty footsteps of fleeing followed by sound of footsteps chasing at the back. This occurred not once in a while, but quite frequently in the campus. Despite being accustomed to this kind of scenario, students were still very worried. However, students’ determination in pursuing the ideal society was very strong. They were highly determined in the anti-colonialisation and social reform struggle in spite of the worries.

Chinese middle school students in that era were very progressive. To me, it was partly motivated by the victory of the struggle of people in Malaya (including Singapore) against Japanese colonialisation. Victory of Chinese People's Liberation War and the formation of People's Republic of China were also a political influence and spiritual call to them. We loved to read extracurricular books. Coincidently there were a few of us who loved forming "Reading Group" in our class. One of the classmates was from Indonesia. He always brought us some progressive reading materials that we secretly shared among each other. We were very interested in those books introducing student movement. We read several books pertaining to student movement in China. We were astonished and greatly drawn by the content of one of the books. But I couldn’t recall the name of the book nor the writer. I could only remember the book was published during the May 4th Movement of 1919. (Sahabat Rakyat interrupted: Was it "May 4th Movement" itself or was it other student movement?) Lim Hock Koon: It was about a student movement after the "May 4th Movement". I think it was probably a student movement in the south-west China. I'll look for the book again. It had great impact on me.

Sahabat Rakyat: Ok. Please let us know if you found the book. Besides the Indonesian classmate you mentioned, was there anyone else (such as your other classmates, teachers or friends) who had played an important role in cultivating and enlightening your thoughts?

Lim Hock Koon: The classmate whom I mentioned earlier, his name was Yang Zaixi. He was an oversea Chinese from Indonesia who came to study in Chung Cheng High School. He was arrested and deported back to Indonesia while he was still studying in middle school. The last news I heard was he succumbed to disease and died in Indonesia. Apart from the influence by classmates, I was also influenced by teachers in class. There was a teacher who was exceptionally affectionate towards China. He wouldn't start the lecture before talking about China. He was my Chinese teacher. His name was Situ Jian. He was a well-known "progressive" teacher in Chung Cheng High School. As far as I can remember, he was also arrested and jailed in the 1960s. He seemed to have given lecture in Nanyang University as well. I was influenced by these people. Chung Cheng High School had a different ambient in those days. My principal was Zhuang Zhulin. I studied there until Form 4, when I was 18 years old, at the call-up age for "National Service". The "May 13 Incident" occurred 3 months after I started Form 4. I was hunted by the colonial government for leading the students to petition the Governor and also escaping from registering for "National Service" that was started in April. In the end of June 1954, students won the struggle. I also left Chung Cheng High School at that time.

Sahabat Rakyat: Besides the influence from your school, was there any impact on you from your family in the aspect of political enlightenment?

Lim Hock Koon: There wasn't any significant impact from my family. My parents were illiterates. Both of my elder brothers were English educated. After Form 3, my eldest brother stopped schooling and helped my father in the fish market. My second eldest brother studied very hard and became a doctor. To me, I think my second eldest brother was but influenced by the "May 13 Incident" and decided to join the tide of anti-colonialisation movement.

Sahabat Rakyat: Can you give concrete description on the process of you becoming one of the leaders leading the students to petition the Governor in "May 13"? How did you pro-actively involve in students’ activities from the day you entered Chung Cheng High School until the "May 13 Incident" took place?

Lim Hock Koon: We loved to organize class gathering during our schooling time in Chung Cheng High School. In 1953, all Form 3 students in our school joined efforts to organise a huge gathering. Finishing Form 3 also meant the completion of junior middle school education, which also signified the separation of junior high school students. The gathering was called "Junior High Students Farewell Gathering". In order to make the farewell gathering a great one, we prepared many programs wholeheartedly. The Singapore Art Association was an art association formed right after the farewell gathering. There were around 300 Form 3 students in Chung Cheng High School that year while the total number of students was around 1,000 to 2,000. Organisation on the preparations and performances for such an event was like a large-scale collective activity given the participation of such huge number of students. I did not join the cultural performances outside the school after the farewell gathering. Instead, I continued to organise activities in Chung Cheng High School to oppose the national service. My fellow schoolmates had heard news about the British colonial government preparing to introduce the National Service Registration Ordinance and force all young men to register for the service. On March 17 1954, news about forcing young men to register under the National Service Ordinance was published in newspaper. And therefore we joined in the struggle against conscription imposed by imperialist. This struggle was first initiated by Chung Cheng High School students.

Sahabat Rakyat: You mentioned that during the 3 years in Chung Cheng High School, you organised class gathering and farewell, and also other cultural activities. After that, you did not participate in the art association, but you devoted yourself in activities in Chung Cheng High School to oppose the British colonial government forcing Singapore youths to serve as cannon fodder for them. However, you have not illustrated how you had become the leader of the petition the Governor in "May 13". Can you elaborate further on any events or activities that were associated to this?

Lim Hock Koon: I missed out the following incident. In 1953, Tan Lark Sye initiated the founding of Nanyang University. This call received massive and enthusiastic support from the Chinese community in Malaya (including Singapore). It was the common aspiration of the Chinese community in South East Asia (commonly regarded as Nanyang by Chinese, which mainly covers peninsular Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, Sabah and Indonesia) to establish a Chinese-medium tertiary education institute in Singapore. We, as Chinese school students, were touched by the urge of Tan Lark Sye and the support given by the Chinese community. Therefore we made our farewell event into a donation drive for Nanyang University. I was the one who raised this suggestion in the organisation meeting for farewell gathering. Hence we had two performances at Guang Hua High School.

My teacher Situ Jian whom I mentioned earlier, cared about the survival and development of mother-tongue education in Malaya (including Singapore) very much. Therefore, he was especially supportive to the founding of Nanyang University initiated by Tan Lark Sye. Teacher Situ and I had a special relationship. I was close to him because he was very supportive to my "Students Self-Help Association" (after my enlightenment in Form 1, I then organised student council in Form 2 and Form 3). He could be considered as the key person who had given me huge impact and influence on my political thinking. He was also a person who led me from caring about students' study life to society and political affairs.

The "Students Self-Help Association" (commonly known among us as "Students Association") was formed by the students, for the students, physically and financially. We visited the poor students’ families and conducted survey on their economic status. We used to go around the streets and lanes in town or outskirt areas on our bicycles. I saw with my own eyes and listened with my own ears the dilemma of the poor families. I sympathised them and wished to help them out. There were 6 and 7 active members of the Students Association. I remember there was a senior in Students Association named Pan Mingzhi. He became a teacher after graduating from Nanyang University. He was quite popular when he was in Nantah. He was older than me. I always think that being in Students Association benefited me a lot. It gave me a chance to know the society in-depth and to learn the unfairness of the society. It had especially prepared me well through the practices in organising Students Association.

Sahabat Rakyat chipped in: Was there any significant event or unforgettable thing that had left you with impact? If you can recall it, we will record it down later. Ok, can you tell us more about how did you become a leader to petition the Governor in "May 13"?

Lim Hock Koon: It was because of my enthusiasm in participating and organising activities such as Students Association and performance to collect donation for Nanyang University. All these hard works would require broad mobilisation and collective strength for them to be carried out successfully. In 1952, I became the head of propaganda in the early stage of Students Association. I was in-charged of editing and publishing our booklet "Zhu Xue Yuan Di" (Students Corner). It was a publication published irregularly. I was the editor and responsible of collecting articles. In 1953, I was elected as the chairman of Students Association of Chung Cheng High School. I think it was my pro-active performance and my spirit of serving the people, which gained me the trust and support from the students. Hence, they elected me as one of the representatives to petition the Governor. I was further entrusted by the representative group as the spokesperson. Chung Cheng High School students of call-up age like us were terrified during the time the National Service Ordinance was enacted. I remember there were around 100 qualified students in Chung Cheng High School, where most of them were in Form 4 and only a handful in Form 3, Form 5 and Form 6. Most of those in Form 5 and Form 6 were overage, as the government only required those age between 18 and 20 to register for the service. In 1954, I was in Form 4. At that time, some students were back to China, and some were preparing to go back to China. But there were some, including myself, decided to stay and continue our struggle for what we believed in. (Sahabat Rakyat interrupted: We would like to know, when students decided to leave, was it because of their enthusiasm in the socialism in China or because they wanted to escape from the conscription?) Lim Hock Koon: Some were for the socialism in China, some indeed wanted to run away from conscription. (Sahabat Rakyat: Which one was the major reason?) Lim Hock Koon: Mainly to escape from conscription. Many students thought that returning to China was a way out too.

Sahabat Rakyat: Besides the support from students, were there other causes that made you a leader of petition the Governor in "May 13"? Was it because of your involvement in any political organization? Did you have any political background?

Lim Hock Koon: At that time, Singapore was still under the colonialisation of British. There was a group named Singapore People's Anti-British League and it was called "Singapore Student Anti-British League" in school. We used to call it "Anti-British League" or "Anti League" (Kang Meng in Chinese). As far as I know, Anti-British League was a front organisation led by Malayan Communist Party and joined by youths and students. Its political mission was to fight against British
colonialisation and form an independent nation of Malaya (including Singapore). I joined the Anti-British League when I was in Form 2 (around 18 years old). By 1954, I had had 3 years’ experience. In fact, Chinese middle schools at that time were the active spots of Anti-British League. The Anti-British League members were generally found in all classes and grades. When you saw those students actively involved in school’s activities, no doubt he/she was a member of Anti-British League. That was what happened back then. What I want to point out is, Anti-British League was not Malayan Communist Party. However, the British colonial government in the past and the Singapore government to-date are intentionally associate Anti-British League to Malayan Communist Party. They distorted the historical facts in order to serve their own political agenda.

Top-right is a picture of Lim Hock Koon's comrade, Lim Kim Chuan. This picture was shot in 1997 at Chaozhou, China when Lim Kim Chuan travelled there. Lim Hock Koon and Lim Kim Chuan were both born in 1935. They involved in Anti-British League when they were in middle school. They turned to underground activities of MCP soon after the "May 13 Incident". In 1962, Lim Kim Chuan married Su Shihua (they went to Indonesia after that) and have two daughters and a son. In the early 80s, Lim Kim Chuan joined the guerrilla team in the border of Malaysia-Thailand until December 1989, when the war ended. Lim Kim Chuan was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease in 2012. He was weak physically but with clear mind. He is now residing in Bangkok. "The Mighty Wave" is a novel written by him with "May 13" student movement as the backdrop of the plot.

Sahabat Rakyat: How did you get to join the Anti-British League? Did they approach you or by other way such as being introduced by friends or schoolmates?

Lim Hock Koon: This is how Anti-British League recruited their members: For example, now that I know you and think that you are enthusiastic. I will then provide books for you to read and further discuss about all sorts of issues with you, in order to raise your ideological understanding and political awareness. When your condition to join the league is matured, we will introduce and invite you to join the organisation.

Sahabat Rakyat: So who approached you? Was he/she a student in your school?

Lim Hock Koon: The person who approached me was not a student from Chung Cheng High School but from Chinese High School. His name was Sun Chunsheng. He is my cousin (son of my mother's brother). He was arrested later on and deported back to China. He then succumbed to disease in China.

Sahabat Rakyat: Now we have had more information about you. We still have two questions:
1) You were one of the leaders to petition the Governor in "May 13". But why you were not in the list of "55 member Delegation Of All Singapore Chinese Middle School Students Seeking Exemption From Conscription"? Were you hunted at that time? Did you hide yourself and continue the underground activities? 

2) When you talked about your family background, you mentioned little about your second eldest brother Lim Hock Siew. You haven’t mentioned about his impact on you during your turning point, or was your influence to him more prominent?

Lim Hock Koon: After the "May 13 Incident", Special Branch officers conducted a search at my house. Upon learning that situation, I did not dare to go back home. So, every time if I wanted to go home, I would first get heads up from an uncle who lived at Albert Street. He would just say, "Oh! Don't go back, don't go back."

Picture on the right shows the house that was rented by Lim Hock Koon's parents from 1950s to 1960s. It is now renovated and becomes an Indian antique shop. It was located at No. 18 at Campbell Lane, beside the old Tekka market (that is demolished now). It is now changed to No. 70. The person standing in front of the house is Lim Hock Koon. This picture was shot in November 2014.

This old house has significant meaning of the anti-colonialisation struggle. It is because the house was used as the base of anti-colonialisation activities by Lim Hock Koon and Lim Hock Siew during the 50s. Lim Hock Koon frequently had their secret discussion together with Li Xin, Anti-British League members and Chung Cheng schoolmates inside the house. In between late 1953 and early 1954, Lim Hock Siew also often had discussion about publication of Fajar together with Socialist Club members inside this house.

Sahabat Rakyat: Your comrade Lim Kim Chuan (He Jin) depicted story about you and your brother Lim Hock Siew in his book The Mighty Wave. But it is after all a novel. We cannot treat a novel as the history. We hope you can talk about yourself and Lim Hock Siew, so that those who are interested could know more about the history and fact about you and your brother.

Lim Hock Koon: In the beginning when I was in Form 1 and Form 2, my brother (Lim Hock Siew) opposed about my involvement in these student activities. He thought I should put more time and energy in my studies. My friends often came to my house to have meeting. Moreover, we always did it in secret. My father was always uneasy and grumbled that we paid all our attention to these activities that would bring danger and troubles to ourselves and our families. In 1954, my brother turned to approach me during the beginning of my participation in May 13 student movement. We could only carry out "underground activities" given the political atmosphere and the situation of me being wanted at that particular time. Our leader at that time was Li Xin as mentioned in The Mighty Wave. I do not know about his real name. We called him "R" or "Lao Li". Despite his name being unknown to us, when a news about a Malayan Communist Party member, Wu Zongbao being arrested was published in 1959, I have the reason to believe that Wu Zongbao is "R" based on the content of that news. He and his group members were the armed workers defensive group members who were active in peninsular Malaya. They fled from Johor and were arrested in Singapore. After they were arrested, they either surrendered, turned their coats or showed their true colour and became Special Branch agents, specializing in dealing with communist, pro-communist or democrats in detention.

Sahabat Rakyat interrupted: Ok. Please tell us about you and your brother Lim Hock Siew.

Lim Hock Koon: In 1952, Lim Hock Siew had just enrolled in University Malaya (UM) to study medicine. He was 22 and I was 18, 4 years younger than him. I was in Form 2 that time. At first, Hock Siew did not agree on my involvement in these activities. He thought that would affect my studies and waste my life. After the "May 13 Incident" in 1954, we, the Chinese school students launched the struggle of petitioning against conscription imposed by British colonial government and activities to fight for students’ rights later on. The UM Socialist Club supported and cared for us in these activities. Hock Siew was a member of UM Socialist Club and the editor of the club’s official paper then. He and the club members observed how we managed the action of petitioning in 2 large gatherings (May 22 large gathering at Chung Cheng High School and June 2 camp-in in Chinese High School). They acknowledged that our struggle was legitimate and righteous. Hock Siew also gave his appraisal on "May 13 Incident" in his speech. In fact, it wasn't him who influenced me but our student movement influenced him. Everyone knew that English-educated students nurtured by British colonial government in Singapore were selfish and indifferent. It was even more so for those intellectuals who had chance to receive English tertiary education. Members of UM Socialist Club were different. They cared about problems of the society and the future of our country. But Hock Siew did not give me any political influence and thinking nor enlightenment.

Sahabat Rakyat: To conclude what you have told us just now, may we say that your involvement in these social activities had more political and ideological impact on you than Hock Siew?

Lim Hock Koon: I suppose so. It's because I think the turning point for my brother was after the "May 13 Incident". His own practical involvement in the social activities later was a good practice. His political thinking was greatly elevated. He and Lim Chin Siong et al were adhere to the political stance of anti-colonization and anti-hegemonic. He drew a line with People's Action Party ruling clique led by Lee Kuan Yew. He fought tenaciously till the end of his life. To me, Hock Siew had set a great example among those English educated in the struggle of anti-colonization and fighting for the country’s independence by the people of Malayan and Singapore.

Lim Hock Siew (1931-2012) was a low-profile, honest and humble good doctor and leader who served people silently. He was arrested, detained without trial and jailed for 20 years under the Operation Cold Store in 1963. He was released in September 1982. The long period of imprisonment was significantly comparable to Chia Thye Poh’s 32 years of imprisonment. His unflinching stance and uncompromised spirit in the anti-hegemonic struggle was a painful blow to the repression and pacification means carried out by Lee Kuan Yew and PAP ruling clique. He was a prominent figure in fighting for democracy and human rights.

Sahabat Rakyat: Did your brother Lim Hock Siew join People’s Action Party (PAP)?

Lim Hock Koon: Yes. He was one of the founders of PAP when PAP was founded in 1954. He was with Toh Chin Chye and some others. But in 1961, he renounced PAP together with Lim Chin Siong and others because Lee Kuan Yew had completely betrayed people's interest and anti-colonial stance. They then formed Singapore Socialist Front (Barisan Sosialis).

Sahabat Rakyat: Have you ever joined PAP or Barisan Sosialis?

Lim Hock Koon: Barisan Sosialis was formed in 1961, seven years after I had turned to underground activities. Even if I wanted, I wouldn't have the chance to join the party. As for PAP, I joined the Farrer Park Branch when it was formed. Although I was hiding and went underground, I still wished to turn and join back activities openly. After the "May 13 Incident", I didn't get to go home as I was being pursued. Therefore I joined PAP Farrer Park branch located near Tekka. I joined PAP using my real name. I thought that it was important for me to join political party’s activities at that time. I was very close to Toh Chin Chye, Devan Nair and Chan Chiaw Thor. In the 1955 election for autonomy, Devan Nair (Sahabat Rakyat’s note: Sources indicated that he was a leader of Anti-British League at that time) was appointed by PAP as a candidate running for election at Farrer Park constituency. I supported him in his campaign. The then President of PAP Farrer Park branch was Toh Chin Chye, I was the Vice President and Chan Chiaw Thor was the Secretary. (Sahabat Rakyat asked: Is it justifiable that Anti-British League wanted to run their activities openly but it turned to underground after due to the suppression? May we know that is your participation in PAP an arrangement of your organization or your own decision?) Lim Hock Koon: It was my own decision to join PAP. There wasn’t any leader at that time. Few months after I joined PAP Farrer Park branch, agents from Special Branch spotted me in the branch office. Had I not left earlier, I would have been caught by them.

Note: Names that are not available in its English origin are translated as per Hanyu Pinyin.

~The end of Part One~

Please click here to read the second part


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人民之友 对我国第14届大选意见书
(华 巫 英)3种语文已先后贴出

作为坚守“独立自主”和“与民同在”的立场的一个民间组织,人民之友在今年9月24日对即将来临的第14届全国大选投票,发表了一篇以华文书写的“意见书”,题为:投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!

这篇意见书的英文译稿(标题是:Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”!)已于10月22日张贴在本部落格。马来文译稿(标题是:Undilah "calon yang membantah pengislaman negara": Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Mencegah puak Mahathir kembali kepada kuasa!)也已接着在11月13日在此贴出。



Pandangan Sahabat Rakyat terhadap PRU14 telah diterbitkan dalam tiga bahasa (Melayu, Cina dan Inggeris)

Sebagai sebuah pertubuhan masyarakat yang berpendirian teguh tentang prinsip "bebas dan berautonomi" dan “sentiasa berdampingan dengan rakyat jelata”, Sahabat Rakyat telah menerbitkan kenyataan tentang pandangan kami terhadap Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 yang bertajuk "Undilah calon yang menentang Pengislaman Negera: Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Jangan benarkan puak Mahathir kembali kepada kuasa! " (投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!)dalam Bahasa Cina pada 24hb September 2017.

Penterjemahan Bahasa Inggeris kenyataan tersebut yang bertajuk Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”! telah diterbitkan dalam blog kita pada 22hb Oktober 2017 manakala penterjemahan Bahasa Melayu telah diterbitkan pada 13hb November 2017.

Selain daripada itu, Sahabat Rakyat juga akan menyebarkan kenyataan ini seluas mungkin kepada pertubuhan dan individu semua bangsa, strata, profesyen dan agama seluruh Negara melalui email, wechat, whatsApp dan pelbagai saluran lain. Kami amat mengalu-alukan pertubuhan dan individu yang berpendirian dan pandangan sama dengan kami untuk turut menyebarkan kenyataan ini kepada lebih ramai orang!

Kami berharap pendirian dan pandangan kami berkenaan pilihan raya kali ini yang dinyatakan dalam kenyataan tersebut dapat disebarkan dengan tepat dan meluas untuk diuji dalam kalangan rakyat semua bangsa semua strata sosial melalui penglibatan mereka dalam amalan pelbagai parti politik dalam pertempuran pilihan raya umum kali ini mahupun amalan masa depan.

The Chinese, English and Malay renditions of Sahabat Rakyat’s opinions about GE14 have been published consecutively

As an NGO which upholds “independent and autonomous” position and "always be with the people" principle, on 24 September 2017, Sahabat Rakyat had released a Chinese-written statement of views with regard to the voting in the upcoming 14th General Election, entitled “Vote for candidates who are against State Islamisation: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent the return to power of Mahathir’s faction!” (投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!)

The English rendition of this statement entitled "Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”!" and the Malay rendition entitled "Undilah "calon yang membantah pengislaman negara": Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Mencegah puak Mahathir kembali kepada kuasa!" had been released on 22 October and 13 November respectively.

Apart from that, Sahabat Rakyat will also make every effort to disseminate this statement as widely as possible to organizations and individuals of all ethnic groups, religions and all walks of life throughout the country via email, WeChat, WhatsApp and other channels. We welcome organizations and individuals with the same position and views to spread this statement to more people!

We hope that our position and views pertaining to the upcoming General Election expressed in the statement will be accurately and widely disseminated and also examined by the popular masses of various ethnicity and social strata through their involvement in the struggle of the 14th General Election carried out by various political parties and their practices in all fields in future.

Malaysia Time (GMT+8)