Sunday 20 October 2013

Liberty through Challenging Boundaries, Justice through Resisting

Liberty through Challenging Boundaries, 
Justice through Resisting
- Speech outline by Hew Kuan Yau -
自由是踩界踩出来的,公义是抗争抗出来的
[Editor’s note] This article is written by Dr. Hew Kuan Yau, political scientist specially for “NGOs・Parliamentary Struggle・ Democracy and Human Rights” forum in commemoration of the 12th Anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee held on 20 October 2013 at Cathay Restaurant, Kulai. This text is translated by Sahabat Rakyat from the original Chinese version.

Post GE13 overview: BN takes the old route, PR loses its direction
1. UMNO takes an even hardline of Malay hegemonic rule
2. Other BN component parties fade into irrelevance; they fail to draw the attention of the public despite dramatic power struggle
3. PR is demoralised and lacks cohesion among 3 parties, and inspiring political discourse
4. PR’s representatives lack the courageous spirit to challenge the regime outside of legislative
5. Ubah polarized: “real-cynicism” and “fake-radicalism”
6. Credibility of mainstream media plummets while internet and social media cool down.
7. Social movement’s ability to mobilize is limited, except Himpunan Hijau
8. Pervasive socio-economic hardship
9. Rampant crimes and insecurity
10. Negative effects from the externals

1. Strengthening PR is to realize the alternatives in policy rather than the alternation of party. It prevents political opportunists from manipulating the mass for their personal/group’s political ends. Hence, PR’s alternative vision to that of BN must be more plural and progressive philosophically rather than more conservative and exclusive fundamentalism, which should include
1.1 Emphasize more on civil liberty but less on ethnic equality. Equality frightens away the Malays who are enjoying the “special privileges”. Promoting civil liberties does not make the Malays feel threatened. As liberty is the source of rights, we seek more freedom of speech, press freedom, freedom of assembly, cultural freedom, and freedom in education. The expansion of liberty helps in the struggle for more liberty next.
1.2 Emphasize solidarity rather than elite meritocracy. In addition to more social support for those in need, it also rebuts UMNO’s slander on PR (especially DAP) as the Singapore PAP’s style of “the rule of Chinese elites”.
1.3 Emphasize sustainable development. Let “green politics” be part of the political mainstream to dilute UMNO’s communal political discourse.
1.4 Emphasize gender equality. Let gender politics to break the feudal notions in authoritarian politics. Engage women in the movement to change.
1.5 Emphasize communitarianism. Let the racism and individualism be replaced by the political notions of communes, common values, common good, and altruism.
 
2. Electoral fraud produces unjust results. If PR is to be serious in regime change, they have to courageously challenge the rigged electoral system; else, they would not be able to topple BN’s government via existing electoral process in GE14. To pose formidable challenge to the rigged electoral system and to break it, it has to “challenge the boundaries”.
2.1 Means: Integration of street protest movement and parliamentary struggle (Democracy and liberty through challenging boundaries consistently).
2.2 Effect: Integration of mobilization scale and persistency (breaking the SOP of “no overnight assembly”)
2.3 Venue: integration of symbolism and paralytics
2.4 Legality: opposition parties under authoritarian regimes are often show-window of democracy. The philosophy of oppression often regards parliamentary struggle as the legal means, while street struggle as the illegal means. Some “election politicians” subscribe to these notions, becoming “Parliamentary cretinism”. They are legislative-indoctrinated individuals who would avoid “challenging the boundaries” (to be illegal under draconian laws). In democratization, the justness and progressiveness of laws enacted by the executive-led legislative are often dependent on the extent of street struggle. Being persistently resisted and the change of objective conditions, the legality of draconian laws enacted in the past will be questioned and negated. Hence, being legal, semi-legal, semi-illegal, and illegal are not an absolute and static notion.
2.5 Price: collective action poses strong deterrence to the government, which minimizes the repression on individual’s participation. Most MPs/ADUNs are afraid of being convicted and fined RM2000 and thus lost their YB’s status. As a result, they are “invincible in the house, but powerless on the street”.
2.6 Follow-up: launch voter’s registration campaign immediately. Consistent PACABA (polling agent, counting agent, barung agent) training courses. Promoting local government election, and PR to strengthen the skills of election campaign.
 
3. Combination of parliamentary struggle and mass movement.
3.1 Democratic movement is not just election campaign. However, election should neither be exaggerated nor overlooked.
3.2 “Regime change” is an important means to the nation’s democratization, but not the only means.
3.3 Daily participation and oversight of the public on the state power (including PR state governments and PR MPs) could not be replaced by an election in every 5 years.
3.4 Each election (including by-election) is a political education for the masses. Siege the opportunity to fight in the election seriously. No giving up and giving in.
3.5 PR representatives should not claim to have fought in parliamentby just attending house sitting. Nor should they claim to have done mass struggle by doing social service in their own constituencies.
3.6 Civil society needs to oversee the performance of PR representativesin houses, including their attendance, contents of speeches, ability to debate, voting record and their spirit to fight, based on the principles of democracy, liberty and social justice.
3.7 Civil society should also oversee the performance of PR representatives outside of houses, including social service; whether they organize, lead and participate in street struggle movement; cooperation with NGOs; and whether they collude with big business at the expense of voters etc.
3.8 To build mass movement, civil society should bring up social leaders with mass charisma, who possess the ability to articulate progressive discourse, courage to debate with the conservatives or politicians, the ability to promote their ideas (via publications and leaflets), the ability to build up organization (including formation of united front and penetration of conservative’s camp), and the ability to mobilize masses etc.
3.9 Unorganized masses are just a group of ordinary people in the eye of authoritarian regime. Thus, civil society must have organization, idea, education and action to oversee and challenge the authoritarian regime.
3.10 Election campaign (including speeches, audio-visual effects, mascots, peripheral products, and slogans) is an art of building up the mass. Under some resource constraints, DAP mastered the key, and therefore brought the election campaign’s fervour to the highest.
3.11 To broaden the scope of unity, thought leaders in civil society should avoid several social movement mistakes, such as sectarianism”, arrogance and other social movements “infantilism”.

4. Embracing new technology, exploring new thinking, creating new condition, building new order.
4.1 To pose a formidable challenge to the authoritarian regime, new media by the technology revolution, such as facebook, twitter, youtube, internet radio, and internet video must be used.
4.2 Technology revolution is a means, but revolution in ideas is the content. Make good use of new tool to promote new ideas to challenge BN’s cultural hegemony.
4.3 Gramsci’s “A war of Position”: civil society should expand its influence. In particular, not only should young people join associations, but should also lead them, transform their culture and even found new associations.
4.4 Sun-Tzu’s Art of War: Good warriors put themselves in an undefeatable position, before pursuing the chance of victory. Being undefeatable put one in upper hand, then waiting to exploit weaknesses within the enemy. Good warriors put themselves in undefeatable position, but may not necessarily defeat their enemies. In other words, victory can be predicted, but can be not guaranteed. Now, how should PR and civil society lay our strategies for democracy and liberty?


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工委会议决:将徐袖珉除名

人民之友工委会2020年9月27日常月会议针对徐袖珉(英文名: See Siew Min)半年多以来胡闹的问题,议决如下:

鉴于徐袖珉长期以来顽固推行她的“颜色革命”理念和“舔美仇华”思想,蓄意扰乱人民之友一贯以来的“反对霸权主义,反对种族主义”政治立场,阴谋分化甚至瓦解人民之友推动真正民主改革的思想阵地,人民之友工委会经过长时间的考察和验证,在2020年9月27日会议议决;为了明确人民之友创立以来的政治立场以及贯彻人民之友现阶段以及今后的政治主张,必须将徐袖珉从工委会名单上除名,并在人民之友部落格发出通告,以绝后患。

2020年9月27日发布



[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
舔美精神患者的状态

年轻一辈人民之友有感而作


注:这“漫画新解”是反映一名自诩“智慧高人一等”而且“精于民主理论”的老姐又再突发奇想地运用她所学会的一丁点“颜色革命”理论和伎俩来征服人民之友队伍里的学弟学妹们的心理状态——她在10多年前曾在队伍里因时时表现自己是超群精英,事事都要别人服从她的意愿而人人“惊而远之”,她因此而被挤出队伍近10年之久。

她在三年前被一名年长工委推介,重新加入人民之友队伍。可是,就在今年年初她又再故态复萌,尤其是在3月以来,不断利用部落格的贴文,任意扭曲而胡说八道。起初,还以“不同意见者”的姿态出现,以博取一些不明就里的队友对她的同情和支持,后来,她发现了她的欺骗伎俩无法得逞之后,索性撤下了假面具,对人民之友一贯的“反对霸权主义、反对种族主义”的政治立场,发出歇斯底里的叫嚣,而暴露她设想人民之友“改旗易帜”的真面目!

尤其是在新冠病毒疫情(COVID-19)课题上,她公然猖狂跟人民之友的政治立场对着干,指责人民之友服务于中国文宣或大中华,是 “中国海外统治部”、“中华小红卫兵”等等等等。她甚至通过强硬粗暴手段擅自把我们的WhatsApp群组名称“Sahabat Rakyat Malaysia”改为“吐槽美国样衰俱乐部”这样的无耻行动也做得出来。她的这种种露骨的表现足以说明了她是一名赤裸裸的“反中仇华”份子。

其实,在我们年轻队友看来,这名嘲讽我们“浪费了20年青春”[人民之友成立至今近20年(2001-9-9迄今)]并想要“拯救我们年轻工委”的这位“徐大姐”,她的思想依然停留在20年前的上个世纪。她初始或许是不自觉接受了“西方民主”和“颜色革命”思想的培养,而如今却是自觉地为维护美国的全球霸权统治而与反对美国霸权支配全球的中国人民和全世界各国(包括马来西亚)人民为敌。她是那么狂妄自大,却是多么幼稚可笑啊!

她所说的“你们浪费了20年青春”正好送回给她和她的跟班,让他们把她的这句话吞到自己的肚子里去!


[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
"公知"及其跟班的精神面貌

注:这“漫画新解”是与<人民之友>4月24日转贴的美国政客叫嚣“围剿中国”煽动颠覆各国民间和组织 >(原标题为<当心!爱国队伍里混进了这些奸细……>)这篇文章有关联的。这篇文章作者沈逸所说的“已被欧美政治认同洗脑的‘精神欧美人’”正是马来西亚“公知”及其跟班的精神面貌的另一种写照!




[ 漫画新解 ]
新冠病毒疫情下的马来西亚
"舔美"狗狗的角色

编辑 / 来源:人民之友 / 网络图库

注:这“漫画新解”是与《察网》4月22日刊林爱玥专栏文章<公知与鲁迅之间 隔着整整一个中国 >这篇文章有关联的,这是由于这篇文章所述说的中国公知,很明显是跟这组漫画所描绘的马来西亚的“舔美”狗狗,有着孪生兄弟姐妹的亲密关系。

欲知其中详情,敬请点击、阅读上述文章内容,再理解、品味以下漫画的含义。这篇文章和漫画贴出后,引起激烈反响,有人竟然对号入座,暴跳如雷且发出恐吓,众多读者纷纷叫好且鼓励加油。编辑部特此接受一名网友建议:在显著的布告栏内贴出,方便网友搜索、浏览,以扩大宣传教育效果。谢谢关注!谢谢鼓励!












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