作者：饶朱丽亚( Julia Yeow)
译者：严居汉
我国独立50周年近在眉睫，许多欢庆节目陆续在筹备着。目前的公开狂欢庆典，导致许多少数民族感到非常不安。
一个月以来的前奏节目有: 大型摩托游行、耗资不小的烟火以及军队的操步.这就是庆祝当时的马来亚独立的方式.
马来西亚是值得庆祝的。经过数10年的努力，马来西亚从农业化走向工业化，使到经济成长率平均达到6%。
在过去的20年里，大马的经济成长率起了巨大的改变, 主要是靠出口和大型建设计划。
马来西亚有一等的建筑物和稳定的经济成长，政府也为马来西亚的成绩感到骄傲（马来西亚，能！）。其中最值得骄傲的是，过了50年的岁月，各族之间的友好关系仍然值得赞赏。
我国是以多元民族的国家，其中60%是马来人,华裔则占人口的25%，印裔却只占9% 。其余的则是原住民, 如: 伊班族、卡达山族等等。
然而，事实证明，各族之间只存在着表面上的友好关系。不可否认, 潜藏在背后的是各族之间的紧张情绪。
今年五月，"李娜乔事件" 就是最好的例子。她从小在穆斯林家庭长大，可是这20 年来，她一直都在信奉基督教。为了争取自己成为基督教徒，她在法庭上斗争了几十年。
根据马来西亚的回教法，穆斯林只能和穆斯林结婚。这就是说，如果李娜乔要和信奉基督教的丈夫结婚，唯有在法律上确认她不是穆斯林。
经过多次在低级法院申请转换信仰失败后，她上诉到最高法庭. 不幸的是，她最终还是无法如愿以偿。李娜乔的事件，引起了全国性的关注: 马来西亚是否有宗教信仰的自由？
在宗教议题上，马来西亚掌权的统治阶级宣称，我国是"回教国"。
今年六月，我国副首相纳吉公开向媒体说："我国从来就不是世俗国，而是回教国。"
副首相纳吉的言论引起了公民社会组织, 如: 律师公会等的强烈反弹，对纳吉的言论不表赞同,并指出, 依据1957年所达致的社会契约，我国显然是"世俗国"。
最近，亚洲策略及领导研究院（ASLI）举出了8项我国最紧急需要改善的事项。
其中最重要的事项是一个由42个非政府组织, 收集了各大种族、宗教和公民社会组织的报告书，表明, 必须不分区域，尊重大家所提出的不同意见.
声明说："民族团结问题，无论在种族上、语言上甚至宗教上都渐渐的在瓦解.这是各民族之间一个真正的伤痛和苦難"。
"其实，国家独立近50年了，民族团结的问题还未能得到完善的解决"。
非政府组织发表的 <独立声明> 羅列了社会不平等的现象。这些现象不单单只局限在族际间，其实马来族群內部的收入不平等,更为显著。
从1970 年开始实行的 "新经济政策"，所宣称的主要目的是, 要提高马来人和土著的经济能力。经过了30年的实施，受益的只是少数的马来精英分子，大部分的土著仍然还生活在贫困之中。
资讯部长再努丁否决了42个非政府组织团体的观点，还批判他们的<声明>是在分化各民族之间的友好关系。
再努丁还认为："这不是大多数人的意愿，而是少数人的意愿而已，政府也不会考量他们（42非政府组织）提出的<声明>"。
亚洲策略及领导研究院高级分析家德莉夏, 针对政府否定这<声明>表示遗憾，并会尽快召开对话会，让大家辩论与讨论。
德莉夏也说："其实，每一个组织都代表着一些人的声音. 他们所发表的报告书是以各种族、宗教和文化为背景的"。
举行过了这么多年的我国独立庆典，大家仍然在为我国民族团结的问题而担忧和争执，这是一个极其具有讽刺性的。
政治分析家说："这个现象导致许多华裔和印裔正在寻找其他国家，作为他们永久和安全的住所"。
政治分析家也说："这是一个认同感的问题，我们世世代代的先辈，为自己的权利斗争了数十年，但是仍然还未平息"。
反对党领袖林吉祥也说，民族最渴望的是认同感，希望政府把所有的人视为"马来西亚人", 而不以马来人、华人或是印度人来看待。
反对党领袖林吉祥也在报章上说："在我国独立50周年庆典上，如果大家心中还是有疏离感，那时一个两极化的后遗症。
马来西亚在庆祝独立50周年之际，沒妥善處理宗教和族群关系，同时, 政府贪污腐败，导致社会治安问题日益严重。
或许，林吉祥认为，要改善民族团结问题，唯一的解决办法就是正视过去，检讨未来。
Cracks show in Malaysia unity
, dpa
(NOTE: Malaysia independence Day is Friday, Aug 31)
Kuala Lumpur (dpa) - As festivities start building up in conjunction with Malaysia's planned celebrations of its 50th year of independence, a growing insecurity and sense of uncertainty among its minority races seems to be looming over the outward show of revelry.
A month of festivities ranging from motorcar events to massive fireworks displays will culminate with an annual flower and march-past parade on August 31, when the nation will celebrate 50 years of freedom from former British rulers.
On the front, there is much to celebrate: Malaysia has flourished from a former agriculture-driven backwater to become one of the most advanced nations in Asia with an economy poised to grow about 6 per cent this year and next.
Over the past 20 years, economic development has seen tremendous growth, in particular the export sector as well as building of large-scale infrastructure projects.
But aside from the megaprojects, the world-class buildings and infrastructure and relatively steady economy, the government's pride for years has been the ability of Malaysia's many ethnic and religious groups to co-exist in relative peace for the past 50 years.
The nation is made up of some 60 per cent of ethnic Malays, who by definition of the constitution are all Muslims. The ethnic Chinese comprise about 25 per cent of the population, followed by Indians with 9 per cent. Other races make up the remainder of the population.
However, behind the façade of a harmonious potpourri of ethnic groups and religions, lurks an undeniable sense of discomfort at rising racial tensions in recent times.
In May, Lina Joy - a former Muslim woman who had embraced Christianity for more than 20 years - lost a long battle in court to have her personal identification card state her new religion.
Under Malaysian Islamic law, a Muslim can not marry a non-Muslim without her partner also converting to Islam, meaning Joy could not marry her Christian fiancé until she could be legally recognized as a non-Muslim.
Joy had brought her appeals to Malaysia's highest court as a last-ditch attempt after several lower courts ruled against her, but she finally lost the right to officially change her religion when the Federal Court ruled against her. The decision sparked a nationwide debate on the freedom of religion in the country, or the lack of it.
Adding to the religious tensions, leaders from the United Malays National Organization party - the backbone of the ruling coalition - have outwardly declared the country an Islamic state.
In June, deputy prime minister Najib Razak said during a press conference that Malaysia "has never been a secular state, and has always been Islamic."
His comments drew criticism from all levels of society, from the Bar Council to Muslim and non- Muslim organizations, as the country's constitution clearly states that Malaysia is a secular state.
Recently, the Asian Strategy and Leadership Institute (ASLI) produced what it called a "wish list" of eight most urgent needs in the country.
Topping the list, which was compiled as result of opinions taken from 42 non-governmental organizations representing all major races, religions and rights groups, was a call for greater unity among the people.
"Recently, the state of unity has been fraying at the edges. Ethnic, linguistic and religious divides have deepened, causing genuine pain and hurt to many in the nation," the statement said.
"Such a fragile state of unity should not have happened after 50 years of nation building."
The report, called the 'Merdeka Statement,' also listed an urgent call to redress the imbalances in society, with the group noting with concern the growing income inequalities within the same ethnic groups, especially the ethnic Malays.
In 1971, the government launched the New Economic Policy which is a series of affirmative action policies designed to benefit Malays and certain indigenous groups known collectively as "bumiputera," or "sons of the soil."
More than 30 years later, critics say the policy failed in its objectives of eradicating the hardcore poor among the bumiputera, but instead has caused only certain groups of Malays to grow rich while the majority remain in poverty.
Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin dismissed the 42 NGO's as representing the general sentiment, and called the statement a "clever attempt to disunite the people in the country.
"This is not a citizens' wish but the wish of a handful of people. This is uncalled for," he said, adding that the government would not take into consideration the contents of the statement.
Tricia Yeoh, senior analyst at ASLI, called the government's rejection regrettable, and appealed for a dialogue and discussion to be held instead.
"Each of the organizations represent a large group of Malaysians in their own respective right, and together they cover Malaysians of all ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds," Yeoh said.
The worry hanging over the Merdeka celebrations is ironic in that unity - the very desire and goal which drove the country's fight for independence - is now threatening to tear the nation apart.
"There is a growing number of Chinese and Indians who are starting to seek permanent residence in alternative countries," said a political analyst on condition of anonymity.
"There is a sense of insecurity in our very citizenship, our right in this country which our parents and grandparents had fought to keep together. It's sad, but that's the situation now," he said.
Chairman of the opposition Democratic Action Party, Lim Kit Siang, recently said that the nation's early aspiration to build a society identifiable as Malaysians and not different ethnic groups, has failed.
"Many people are wondering what is the meaning of this 50th Merdeka anniversary if they are feeling more alienated, more divided and more polarized," Lim said in an interview with the Sun newspaper recently.
Adding to the widening religious and racial divide, Malaysians will now prepare to celebrate their 50th year of independence while facing the fact that corruption remains high in the government, and there is an alarming increase in crime.
Perhaps, as Lim and many other Malaysians now feel, the way to move forward for the nation in terms of unity, is to look back.
