峇克里慕沙（M Bakri Musa）评论：
马哈迪应尽快交棒给安华,
延迟交棒或引发领导危机
综合<中国报>与<当今大马>报道
他说，马哈迪推翻纳吉政权和拯救大马已是一项不朽的功绩，因此后者已是时候退下，否则只会破坏其成就。
“马哈迪已没什么好证明或达成，再说，他在过去22年任相期间，还充满体力及活力时都无法达成其目标，那现在达成的几率也是零。”
峇克里慕沙是一名在美国加州硅谷执业的大马外科医生，他在<当今大马>(英文版)撰文说，马哈迪若继续留任首相，将出现恶习及打压作风重现的危机，“第一个版本的马哈迪”也会重现，这对他个人或国家都不利。
他说，延迟交棒只会导致移交政权出现混乱，大马不能出现领导危机，尤其过去已经历前首相敦阿都拉及拿督斯里纳吉领导的“灾难”，后者2人都是由马哈迪选出，因此不能再由他遴选第3名接棒人。
他也批评，现有内阁成员无一有能力领导国家。
“我曾寄望（副首相）旺阿兹莎，但其表现差强人意，也许她无心恋战，纯粹想为夫婿坐暖位置，又或许她深信女性领导的社会注定失败，就像传统预示的一样。”
峇克里也说，内政部长丹斯里慕尤丁如今和马哈迪一样，只是苟延残喘，慕尤丁应享天伦之乐，他在政治圈打滚多年不曾发光，如今也不会绽放异彩。
“至于（经济事务部长）阿兹敏，他甚至不在大马出生，许多国家都不允许非本土人成为领袖；情商方面，他与家人及兄弟阋墙，难以期望他能与内阁同僚相处得好。
“阿兹敏还未展现其掌管经济事务的能力。”
以下是峇克里慕沙发表在<当今大马>（英文版）的全文和华文译稿——
Mahathir must make way for Anwar... now
Written by M Bakri Musa
Published: 1 Apr 2019, 1:41 pm | Modified: 1 Apr 2019, 1:41 pm
Today, nearly a year later and at 93 years of age, Mahathir, aware that he is getting “very old, and very soon I will weaken and I will die,” is a man in a hurry.
Mahathir does not need to confess, apologise, or lament. His dislodging the Najib administration was a monumental achievement in itself. Mahathir’s victory, expected or not, saved Malaysia. Having achieved that, it is time for him now to exit. Delaying would only risk tarnishing that singular achievement.
Mahathir should not wait to be asked, as no one would. That is not our culture. By the time we want our leaders to go, rest assured the message then would not be polite, much less subtle. Mahathir does not need any reminding on that.
Mahathir has nothing more to prove or achieve. Besides, if he could not accomplish his goals back then, when he ruled Malaysia unchallenged for over 22 years and when he still had his vigour and wits, the probability that he would achieve them now is nil. Time to declare victory and exit stage left.
There is little need for him to pit his debating prowess against bright young Oxford undergraduates, preach to Africans on beating corruption, or be bestowed the Highest Imperial Honour from the King of Konga.
Were he to linger, there is a real danger that old bad habits and repressive patterns, Mahathir Version-1 as it were, might re-emerge. That would not be good for him or Malaysia. Already, many of his utterances of late, especially his resorting to stereotyping, are verbatim quotes from his 1970 book, The Malay Dilemma.
Delaying would risk having to do it in a chaotic or precipitous manner. Malaysia cannot afford a leadership crisis. After the disasters of former prime ministers Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Abdul Razak, that would not be a worthy legacy.
Mahathir produced two dud leaders in Abdullah and Najib (photo above, on right); with Najib an insatiably corrupt one, too. Mahathir thus should not pick or be given the choice to pick his third successor.
Hand over power to Anwar Ibrahim, and do it now. That was the consensus before the election among the coalition partners, even though not stated in their manifesto. That was also the expectation of voters.
Mahathir validated that by seeking Anwar’s immediate post-election royal pardon, and his subsequent entry into Parliament via the Port Dickson by-election.
No one in Mahathir’s current cabinet is capable or worthy of leading Malaysia. I had high hopes in the beginning for Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail (below). She has the smarts.
However, her performance has been underwhelming. Perhaps her heart is not in it, believing that she is merely warming the chair for her husband. Or perhaps (intuiting from her displays of piety) she believes a community led by a woman is doomed for failure, as a prophetic tradition would have it.
Muhyiddin Yassin too, like Mahathir, is on borrowed time. He should be spending the remaining precious little time he has with his loved ones. He has been in politics and government long enough. He had not shined in all those years; he is unlikely to bloom now.
As for that character who cannot keep his advice to himself, Azmin Ali (above) was not even born in Malaysia. Not many countries would allow a non-natural-born citizen to be its leader.
As for his Emotional Quotient (EQ), an important attribute in a leader, Azmin is in conflict with all his siblings, as well as other family members. Don’t expect him to get along with his cabinet colleagues.
Azmin has yet to demonstrate his competence or relevance as a minister in charge of the economy. His bio touted him as an economics graduate from the University of Minnesota, which on the surface sounds impressive, except that he did not attend its prestigious flagship Minneapolis campus, instead one in the ulus.
Mahathir would be picking his third dud of a successor if he were to choose Azmin.
Anwar Ibrahim (above) remains the most capable to lead Malaysia. The Anwar of today is a very different person from the one who tried to upstage Mahathir in the late 1990s.
After being incarcerated twice on trumped-up charges, Anwar has emerged not only intact physically (except for his back ailment), but also stronger, wiser, and more tolerant. A lesser soul would have long ago crumbled or capitulated.
Anwar’s decency and humanity showed at the interview he gave on BBC soon after his pardon. He was serene, with no sense of bitterness towards those who had done him wrong. I saw Nelson Mandela in him.
Through his sense of humour, I also saw a man of deep faith. No mortal who has gone through what he did could have such equanimity as Anwar showed during that interview.
He was not riled up by the tough questions, as on the sensitive matter of his relationship with Mahathir – his erstwhile tormentor and the man he would like to succeed.
I have a special empathy for Anwar. He was a few years my junior at Malay College and I have many fond memories of supervising his evening class-prep hours. Our children too are of comparable ages.
The thought that struck me when Anwar was hauled to jail for the first time with his infamous black eye after being bludgeoned by the then chief of police was: how would I react if I had been Anwar?
What could replace those precious years of missing your children develop into and go through their turbulent adolescence, and then mature into young adults without your being there lending support and guidance? Most of all, to savour those precious memory-building moments that could never be replicated.
I had an earlier intimation of this inner, steely Anwar. Soon after his first conviction was reversed on appeal and while he was out on bail awaiting trial for his second sodomy charge, Anwar was allowed the rare privilege to travel abroad.
At a private dinner at Stanford given by his hosts, l asked him whether his being given that special dispensation was a divine sign for him to seek his freedom in the West, a view shared by many at the table. After all, many great leaders had done that.
My suggestion startled him.
“Oh no! I could never do that, Bakri!” he replied in his soft voice. He had a mission for his country and was determined to complete it regardless of the personal price or burden. I was humbled by his response.
That was the depth and strength of Anwar’s commitment. It is time for Mahathir, having done his part, to let his hitherto protégé, Anwar Ibrahim, move Malaysia forward.
DR M BAKRI MUSA is a Malaysian-born and Canadian-trained surgeon in private practice in Silicon Valley, California, United States of America.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of Malaysiakini.
现在是马哈迪必须交棒
给安华的时候了
作者：峇克里慕沙（M BAKRI MUSA）
<当今大马>申明，本文仅为作者个人观点，并不代表<当今大马>立场。
文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加。
在希望联盟取得第14届“509”大选的惊人胜利不久，马哈迪承认他并没有预期到会有这样的结果，以至面对厚厚一册包含各种各样承诺的<希望联盟大选宣言>。
将近一年之后的今天，马哈迪已是93岁的人了。马哈迪意识到他已经很老了，而且不久之后就更衰弱，就会死去。马哈迪说他现在是一个在急着赶时间的人。
马哈迪无须忏悔，道歉或哀叹。 他驱逐了纳吉政府就是一项巨大的成就。马哈迪的胜利，无论是不是他的预期，都挽救了马来西亚。 实现了这个目标后，现在是他退下的时候了。 延迟只会冒着玷污这个卓越成就的风险。
马哈迪不应该等到被人问起，因为没有人愿意这样做。 那不是我们的文化。 当我们要我们的领袖下台的时候，请放心，我们发出的信息不会是礼貌客气的，更不是含蓄隐晦的。马哈迪不需要在这方面的任何提醒。
马哈迪已没什么更好的证明或更大的成果
马哈迪已没什么更好的证明或更大的成果。当马哈迪过去在毫无挑战下统治马来西亚的22年，而且当时他仍然充满活力和富有智慧，他都无法完成他的目标，他现在实现他的这些目标的可能性已经不存在（没有了）。 这是马哈迪宣布胜利并退出舞台的时候了。
他是不需要向年轻聪明的牛津大学本科生展示他（马哈迪）的雄辩，以及向非洲人鼓吹打击腐败，或者接受什么国王颁给的最高皇家荣誉。
如果马哈迪想要拖延，那么他在第一次担任首相时期的旧坏习惯和镇压模式，可能会重新出现，这是一个真正的危险。这对他或马来西亚都是不利的。他最近的许多言论，特别是他的一成不变的观念，都是逐字引自他在1970年出版的<马来人的困境>一书。
延迟交棒必将冒国家呈现混乱无序的风险
马哈迪延迟交棒给安华，必将冒着国家呈现混乱无序的风险。马来西亚再也无法承受领导层的危机。在前首相阿都拉巴达威和纳吉的灾难之后，这将不是一个值得留下的继承物。
马哈迪过去已经推出了两名无用的领袖，他们就是阿都拉巴达威和纳吉，而纳吉是一个贪得无厌的腐败首相。因此，马哈迪不应该选择第三个接班人，或者说，我们不能让马哈迪选择他的第三个继承人。
将权力移交给安华，现在就这么办——这是希望联盟伙伴之间在全国大选前的共识，尽管这项共识没有载明于他们的宣言里，但是这也是选民的期望。
马哈迪通过寻求安华在大选后立即获得皇室赦免，以及随后通过让安华得以参与波德申补选进入国会，证实了这一点。
马哈迪现任内阁，没有有能力的杰出领袖
在马哈迪的现任内阁中，没有一个是有能力领导马来西亚的杰出领袖。在初始阶段，我对旺阿兹莎（Wan Azizah Wan Ismail）医生寄予厚望。她有聪明才智。
然而，她的表现未曾给人留下深刻印象。或许她无心恋战，纯粹想为夫婿坐暖位子而已。或许（从她虔诚的表现中直觉到）她相信一个由女人领导的国家是注定要失败的，就像传统预示的一样。
慕尤丁也像马哈迪一样，是在借来时间（borrow time）。他应该把剩下的宝贵时间花在跟他的亲人的接触上。他在政治和政府工作的时间足够长了。他在这些年来一直没有发光发亮，他现在不太可能红红火火了。
对于那种本身言行不一性格的角色，阿兹敏阿里（Azmin Ali）上图）甚至不是出生在马来西亚。没有多少国家允许非土生土长的公民成为其国家领导者。
一个领袖的重要特质是他的情绪商数[简称“情商” Emotional Quotient (EQ)]。阿兹敏正在跟他的所有兄弟姐妹以及其他家庭成员发生冲突。不要指望他会跟他的内阁成员和睦相处。
阿兹敏尚未证明他有能力并适合担任掌管经济的部长。由别人撰写的传记吹捧他是一名美国明尼苏达大学（University of Minnesota）的经济学毕业生。从表面上看，他给人的印象是深刻的，除了他不是在著名的旗舰明尼阿波利斯校园（Minneapolis campus），而只在Ulus。
马哈迪如果选择了阿兹敏，便是挑选了第三个无用的继承者。
安华仍然是最有能力领导马来西亚的人物
安华仍然是最有能力领导马来西亚的人物。今天的安华与20世纪90年代后期试图跟马哈迪较劲的那个安华完全不同。
在当权者捏造的罪名被监禁两次后，安华不仅身体完好（除了他的背部疾病），而且更强壮、更英明、更宽容。若（他）是一个微弱的灵魂早已消亡或投降。
安华的宽容和博爱在他被赦免后不久对BBC的专访中表现出来。他很沉着安详，对那些曾经对他做错事（对不起他）的人没有苦涩感。我看到纳尔逊曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）在安华的身躯里浮现。
通过他的幽默感，我也看到了他是一个有着深厚信仰的人。没有人经历安华的遭遇而展现沉着安详，就像安华对BBC的那次采访中所展现的那样。
对于他跟马哈迪关系（马哈迪是他昔日的折磨者和他想要接替的人）的敏感问题，安华是不会被这些尖锐而又难以回答的问题所激怒而烦操的。
我对安华有一种特别的同情。他在马来学院读了几年，我在监督他的晚班 - 准备时间，有很多美好的回忆。我们的孩子的年龄也有得比较。
安华第一次入狱之后被时任总警长侍候而造成了安华的黑眼圈的事件引发我深刻思考：如果我是安华，我会怎么反应?
什么东西可以取代那些珍贵的岁月当你的孩子经历他们的青少年期成为成熟青年的时期，而你作为父亲却没有在他们身旁给予指导和帮助？最重要的是，那些享受珍贵的美好记忆的时刻已经不会再来了。
我对钢铁般的安华的这个心灵已有先兆。在安华对第一次定罪进行上诉被驳回之后不久，当他面对第二次鸡奸指控等待审判而被保释时，安华却享有出国旅行的罕见的特别恩典。
在安华做东道主在史丹福举办的一次晚宴上，我问起他的这个特别安排是否是他想在西方世界寻找自由的一个神圣标志，这是餐桌上许多人分享的观点。毕竟，许多伟大领袖已经做到了这一点。
我的询问令他吃惊。他用柔和声调回答：“哦！不！我决不这样做，Bakri！”他负有一个为他的国家而奋斗的使命，并决心完成他的任务，无论他个人承受什么负担或付出什么代价。我当时对他的反应感到自己惭愧。
这就是安华所作的承诺的深度和力量。马哈迪已经完成了他自己的职责，这是马哈迪交棒给安华，让安华推动马来西亚向前发展的时候了！
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