Stop%2BRestoration%2Bof%2BMahathirism.png

Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

Stop%2BRestoration%2Bof%2BMahathirism.png

Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

 photo 2019.png

人民之友恭祝各界2019新年进步、万事如意!在新的一年里,联合起来,坚持真正的民主改革! 丢掉幻想,阻止马哈迪主义复辟!

 photo 2014-03-08KajangByElectionPC.jpg

2014年加影州议席补选诉求 / Tuntutan-tuntutan Pilihan Raya Kecil Kajang 2014

 photo mahathir_PRU14_1.png

人民之友18周年(2001—2019)纪念,举办一场邀请4名专人演讲的政治论坛和自由餐会,希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士,共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

 photo LimChinSiongampArticle.jpg

林清祥《答问》遗稿片段

 photo 513StudentMovement.jpg

新加坡“5•13学生运动” 有/没有马共领导的争论【之一】与【之二】

 photo the-new-phase-of-democratic-reform-reject-state-islamization.jpg

马来西亚民主改革的新阶段 / The New Phase of Democratic Reform in Malaysia / Fasa Baru Reformasi Demokratik di Malaysia

 photo Bannerv2blue_small.jpg

 photo Banner%2BForum.jpg

 photo Banner_WorkReport2016.jpg

人民之友为庆祝15周年(2001—2016)纪念,在2016年9月上旬发表了最近5年(2011—2016)工作报告(华、巫、英3种语文),并在9月25日在新山举办一场主题为“认清斗争敌友,埋葬巫统霸权”的论坛。

 16 Anniversary.PNG

人民之友16周年纪念,针对即将来临的全国大选发表专题文章,供给我国民间组织和民主人士参考,并接受我国各族人民民主改革实践检验。

509.png

人民之友根据2017年9月24日发表的《人民之友 对我国第14届大选意见书 》的内容与精神以及半年来国内和国外的政治形势,对5月9日投票提出具体意见,供全国选民参考。

Hindraf.png

《人民之友》2019年国际劳动节发表对2007年兴权会游行示威的重要领袖乌达雅古玛(Uthayakumar)的专访(第一部分)。这次专访的主题是:兴权会的主要斗争对象乃是马来霸权统治集团。

Wednesday, 31 October 2018

31民间组织联署文告: 接纳巫统议员跳槽到希盟阵营,是对人民委托的背叛!

31民间组织联署文告
接纳巫统议员跳槽到希盟阵营,
是对人民委托的背叛!
2018年10月31日发布


马哈迪岂能否认巫统议员将会跳槽土团党的事实?马哈迪为什么需要巫统议员跳槽、以及他采用什么手段促使他们(这些跳槽议员)加入土团党?国人和世人都是心知肚明、不言而喻的!马哈迪的任何辩解,都无法改变人们对他的作为和这次跳槽风潮的认知!

针对众多巫统议员跳槽加入土著团结党的事件,31个民间组织今日(2018年10月31日)发布联署文告。全文如下——

我们,以下联署的公民社会团体,对于巫统主席阿末查希哈米地揭露,首相马哈迪要求他解散巫统,以及要该党国会议员跳槽至土著团结党,感到极为不满。土著团结党最高理事阿都卡迪再欣也声称40个巫统国会议员将过档土著团结党。

我们认为,任何反对党国会议员跳槽到执政党,或反其道行之,乃颠覆马来西亚选民在第14届大选中集体民主实现第一次政党轮替之举。

马来西亚选民在第14届大选发出一个清楚的信号,他们拒绝巫统领导的国阵重新掌权,反之选择承诺系列制度改革的希望联盟。因此,若据称的40个反对党国会议员跳槽至执政党之事如实发生,这将是对人民委托的背叛,并且只服役于土著团结党和巫统的利益。

跳槽行为是对朝野双方选区的双重背叛

跳槽行为是对朝野双方选区的双重背叛。基于选民的投票取决于两个关键性因素,既政党和宣言,跳槽的议员不但违背了选民支持该政党的初衷,也让选民支持的宣言失去效用。 

若大选中败选的政党可轻易转换阵营及重回权力中心,由人民力量崛起而实现的历史性政党轮替成果将化为乌有。若政治承诺可以不经同意被替换,政党根据不同宣言竞选还有何意义?若民意代表最终将背叛他们所代表的选民,寻求人民的委托又所为何事?

希盟政治人物曾于2009年严厉谴责霹雳州民联州议员许月凤、嘉玛鲁丁和奥斯曼跳槽至国阵,他们如今却对据称的土著团结党跳槽计划保持缄默。这证明,他们若非认可国阵的诱使跳槽做法,就是虚伪之极。

我们要警告马哈迪:勿重犯历史错误!

解散巫统及诱使巫统国会议员跳槽至土著团结党,这个建议与1988年旧巫统被宣布为非法组织及马哈迪的忠诚支持者跳槽到巫统的做法非常相似。我们欲警告马哈迪切勿重犯历史错误,为了强化他的政治权力而不惜毁坏民主制度,滥用国家机器摧毁一个政党。

我们要求马上停止所有据称的跳槽谈判和威胁。我们呼吁土著团结党维护法治和尊重民主精神,认可反对党所扮演的重要角色。所有政党应该根据选民在第14届大选作出的决定,各自扮演好执政党和反对党的角色。

此联署文告由群议社和隆雪华堂民权委员会发起。

联署单位:
1. 群议社  Agora Society
2. 隆雪华堂民权委员会Civil Rights Committee of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
3. Angkatan Warga Aman Malaysia (WargaAMAN)
4. 当今峇南 Baramkini
5. 反水坝小组 Damn the Dams Action Group
6. Federation of Malaysian Indian Organisation (PRIMA)
7. 高教学术自由联盟Gabungan Pembebasan Akademik - Institut Pengajian Tinggi (GPA-IPT)
8. Gelombang Hijau
9. Gerakan Menuntut Pendidikan Percuma (GMPP)
10. Group of Concerned Citizens (GCC)
11. 被压迫人民阵线  Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
12. 柔南黄色行动小组 Johor Yellow Flame (JYF)
13. Malaysian Indians Progressive Association (MIPAS)
14. Malaysian Indians Transformation Action Team (MITRA)
15. Malaysian Youth Care Association (PRIHATIN)
16. 马来西亚选举观察员网络Malaysian Election Observers Network (MEONET)
17. 净选盟母亲团 Mamas Bersih
18. 改变砂拉越运动Movement for Change, Sarawak (MoCS)
19. North South Initiative (NSI)
20. 社会主义党青年团 Pemuda PSM
21. Persatuan Rapat Malaysia (RAPAT)
22. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor (PSWS)
23. 人民之友 Sahabat Rakyat மக்கள் தோழர்கள்
24. Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM)
25. 人民之声 Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
26. 向日葵选举教育运动Sunflower Electoral Education (SEED)
27. 赵明福民主基金会 Teoh Beng Hock Trust for Democracy
28. 马大新青年University Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY)
29. 势代青年Youth Era
30. 隆雪华青Youth Section of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
31. 甲华堂青Youth Section of Melaka Chinese Assembly Hall

前总统拉贾帕克萨东山再起, 斯里兰卡或将更靠拢中国

 前总统拉贾帕克萨东山再起,
斯里兰卡或将更靠拢中国

作者 / 来源:邱林 / <草根网>(中国)


10月29日,在斯里兰卡科伦坡,斯里兰卡前总统拉贾帕克萨(Mahinda Rajapakse,上图前左)宣誓就任总理。 斯里兰卡总统新闻办公室26日宣布,前总统拉贾帕克萨当天宣誓就任新一任总理。不过,“前总理”维克勒马辛哈表示,他目前仍是斯里兰卡总理,不会卸任这一职务。 新华社发(斯里兰卡总统秘书处供图)

上图与说明取自新华网。本文原标题为:<前总统东山再起,斯里兰卡或更靠拢中国>,文内小标题为<人民之友>编者所加。

斯里兰卡政坛近日发生重要变化,前总统拉贾帕克萨(Mahinda Rajapakse)在沉寂3年之后东山再起。10月26日,拉贾帕克萨被斯里兰卡现任总统西里塞纳(Maithripala Sirisena)任命为新总理,并于当天在总统秘书处宣誓就职。《印度时报》10月27日发表评论认为,拉贾帕克萨重返政坛,意味着中国和印度竞相施加影响力的斯里兰卡,再次开始转向“亲华”。

西里塞纳此次解除维克勒马辛哈的总理职务,任命拉贾帕克萨为新总理的做法并非突然之举。自从西里塞纳领导的统一人民自由联盟和维克勒马辛哈领导的统一国民党2015年组成联合政府以来,由于执政理念不同,两党之间经常发生摩擦。两人之间关系紧张在10月16日达到顶峰,究其原因,主要是将一个斯里兰卡港口发展项目移交给印度:维克勒马辛哈赞成这一举措,但西里塞纳反对。

总理更迭只是下一次政权博弈的开始

拉贾帕克萨的儿子、斯里兰卡国会议员纳玛勒•拉贾帕克萨对媒体说,他的父亲不打算长期担任总理这个新职务。这说明,此次斯里兰卡总理更迭,只不过是该国新一轮总统、议会选举前博弈的开始。下一步,总统西里塞纳、总理拉贾帕克萨和前总理维克勒马辛哈三方,围绕2020年总统和议会选举的争斗将更加激烈。

一直以来,拉贾帕克萨被认为是“亲华”派人物,在他任斯里兰卡总统(2005——2015)期间,在斯里兰卡政府剿灭猛虎组织的内战中得到了中国的大力支持。在战后重建中,他领导的斯政府不断深化同中方的互利合作,特别是基建领域的合作,使该国经济社会迅速走出战争阴影,如高速公路,科伦坡南港,汉班托塔港,港口城等众多项目,经济快速增长。

正如此,拉贾帕克萨才信心满满,2015年宣布提前举行大选,期望能实现“三连冠”,再次担任。只是没想到自己的手下大将——执政党总书记西里塞纳临阵倒戈,突然联合其他政治势力,摇身成为反对派领袖,在选举中以微弱优势,战胜拉贾帕克萨,当选总统。

西里塞纳推翻"亲华"政策, 苦无出路

西里塞纳出任总统之后,推翻了前政府的“亲华”政策,并审查和暂停了中国投资的多个项目。例如2015年,斯方单方面叫停了由中国交通建设集团总投资14亿美元(约合96亿元人民币)的科伦坡港口城项目,导致中斯双边关系疏远。

同时,西里塞纳政府转而追求“国际平衡”,寻求和美国、日本和印度的支持。但三年来这些国家都没有拿出像中国一样具有吸引力的项目。尽管斯里兰卡也向包括国际货币基金会等金融机构寻求借贷,不过,那些附带的苛刻条件往往使西里塞纳总统头痛,有的很难达到,或有的需要牺牲部分政治利益,而何时能被批准也是个很大的未知数。

斯里兰卡要彻底放弃项目, 并非易事

事实上,中国在斯里兰卡的投资项目本身是一个商业行为,对中斯双方都大有好处。如果从商业角度来说,因为利益问题而产生的矛盾,双方可以通过商讨来沟通,而从政策角度来看,斯里兰卡要彻底放弃项目并非易事。

再说,中国和斯里兰卡彼此需要,已经结成战略伙伴合作关系。特别是斯里兰卡结束内战仅七八年,亟需全面经济建设,而中国因基建能力和成熟制造业成为该国无可取代的合作伙伴。斯里兰卡过去三年的变化以及拉贾帕克萨的回归,其意义不单纯局限于斯里兰卡的内政。这有可能成为斯里兰卡再次向中国靠拢,并对邻国印度疏远的转折点。

这从侧面反映出一点,像斯里兰卡这样的小国,利用政府更迭打“中国牌”,在大国之间跳探戈并不见得是上策。虽然小国可以利用地理位置追求战略优势,但真正和小国互利互惠的大国并不多。

斯国尽管靠拢中国, 不会与印度翻脸

一般来就,国与国之间,除了一个地缘政治的先天条件之外,其实就是一个实力的问题。印度既在政治上左右不了斯里兰卡,又在投资方面帮不了斯里兰卡,因此印度对拉贾帕克萨重返政坛,并有可能推动斯里兰卡向中国靠拢,也只能干着急。不过,斯里兰卡和印度的地缘关系,决定了不管斯方怎样向中国靠拢,也不会和印度翻脸。#

Tuesday, 30 October 2018

7000中美洲移民“入侵”美国!五角大楼增派5200美军“防守”

7000中美洲移民“入侵”美国!
五角大楼增派5200美军“防守”

作者 / 来源:李东尧 / <观察者网>


当地时间2018年10月27日,墨西哥阿里亚加,数千名来自中美洲的移民继续前往美墨边境 (图源:视觉中国)

原标题:
7000移民“入侵”!五角大楼增派5200美军

[文/观察者网 李东尧]

距离美国中期选举仅有一周时间,如何应对正向美墨边境进发的一支中美洲千人移民“大军”,成为摆在美国总统特朗普面前的一项重要任务。 

连日来,特朗普不断发出警告,但这支7000人的移民队伍不但没有掉头,人数还有后续增加的可能。继800名美军先期前往边境后,当地时间10月29日,美国国防部宣布将再向边境部署逾5200名美军士兵来应对移民潮。这与特朗普此前提出的警告手段一致。 

据路透社报道,美国北方司令部司令特伦斯•奥肖内西(Terrence O’Shaughnessy)29日表示,800名美军已经在前往得克萨斯州边境的路上,5200名美军将在本周末之前前往西南地区。 

特伦斯•奥肖内西/视频截图

部署兵力远超出此前外界预测的800-1000人。 

“这只是行动的开始,”奥肖内西当天对记者说:“我们会继续调整这个数字,并通知大家。国民警卫队已经部署了2092人。” 

在今年4月份特朗普的一次请求之后,有约2100名国民警卫队成员被部署在边境。 

派驻美墨边境的国民警卫队员 (图源:《今日美国》

“边境安全就是国家安全。”奥肖内西当天说。 

路透社称,在边境应对移民问题,特朗普政府动用军队似乎背离了昔日的做法。至少在最近几年,这些行动往往是由国民警卫队员执行,这些人中间部分是兼职军人,他们经常被要求为应对国内紧急情况服务。 

报道指出,此次派遣的美军士兵似乎并不会参与执法活动,只是向边境巡逻人员提供支持,部分人会携带武器。 


美国官员上周曾对路透社透露,军方将不会扮演积极的执法角色,而是主要派出工程师、飞行员以及其他支持人员,这些人最早将于当地时间30日开始部署,任务至12月中旬结束。 

奥肖内西29日也介绍,新部署的现役部队将包括直升机与其他配备夜视技术的航空部队,帮助识别任何试图非法越境的移民,再由美国海关边境保护局(CBP)进行抓捕。“我们将能够发现并识别群体,迅速反应。” 

此外,派出的工程人员则将从事在边境设置临时障碍,搭建铁丝网以及为美国人员建造临时住房。 

一支估计人数在3500至7000人之间,主要由洪都拉斯人组成的移民“大军”,10月中旬离开本国后,面对墨西哥当局的严密防控,仍越过墨西哥与危地马拉边境,于上周抵达墨西哥南部开始向美墨边境进发,试图涌入美国。 


尽管有人在中途被困难所吓住,选择离开队伍,也有人在墨西哥开始了新的生活,但向美墨边境进发的队伍人数仍不可估量。 

当地时间29日,特朗普继续通过社交媒体向这支移民“大军”喊话,同时发出警告。 

特朗普推特截图

“许多黑帮成员和一些非常恶劣的人混进了前往我们南部边境的(移民)队伍。”特朗普说:“请回去,除非通过法律程序,否则你们将不会被允许进入美国。这是对我们国家的入侵,我们的军队在等着你们!” 

美国中期选举即将在11月6日举行,两党选举集会也在各地如火如荼进行。路透社29日就美军派驻士兵计划写道:“中期选举前,特朗普政府正将美军拖入到一场充满政治色彩的行动。” 

特朗普上台后,一直将打击移民视为政府的一项重要任务。 

路透社29日认为,在选举前夕,对移民采取强硬手段,将在一定程度上帮助自己所在的共和党获得选民支持。如果共和党失去对众议院或参议院的控制,特朗普在其剩余任期内将更难继续推进自己的政策议程。# 

黄德提醒希盟政府:不可留下稀土厂! 允许经营,就是忘了承诺、背叛人民!

黄德提醒希盟政府:不可留下稀土厂!
允许经营,就是忘了承诺、背叛人民!

作者 / 来源:吴湘怡 / <当今大马> 

发表于 2018年10月29日17:46  时分  更新于 同日17:52时分

原标题:
促希盟勿犯国阵错误,
黄德重申稀土厂不能留

《路透社》今早报道,设在关丹的莱纳斯稀土厂获得大马政府延长其临时准证,可以继续在当地储存稀土废料。这项消息使得莱纳斯的股价大涨逾8%。

大马国会报道 政府延长莱纳斯稀土厂的储存稀土废料临时准证后,行动党文冬区国会议员黄德敦促政府勿重犯前朝政府的错误,即允许稀土厂运营。

他今日在国会辩论环节中提醒希盟政府,众多大马人关注莱纳斯课题,因此政府不能忘记承诺和背叛人民。

“前朝政府做错,可能是出于无知,身为新时代的领袖,若我们重蹈覆辙,这意味着贪腐及不负责任。”

“数百万大马人关注莱纳斯课题,他们曾上街示威,曾高喊拒绝莱纳斯的口号。我们不能就此忘记承诺,背叛人民。”

“我希望政府在做决定时,会为我们的下一代着想。”

稀土废料遗害,永远不会消失

黄德也重申反对莱纳斯的立场,要求关闭稀土厂,因为该工厂运营6年期间,留下了150万吨的废料,却不曾缴税。

黄德也提议,政府应从红坭山稀土事件中吸取教训,从现在起追踪莱纳斯稀土厂对人们造成的影响。

他说,稀土废料寿命可长达14亿年,永远都不会消失,这将造成下一代受苦,必须永远承担处理稀土废料的成本。

“我理解,现在国家经济不太好,若我们为了照顾人民利益而撤走外资,将会是一大挑战。”

“但我们不是因为缺乏资源,而是前朝贪污腐败造成经济衰退。”

为少数人利益,换来永久祸害

“若我们为了短期利益而选择有害的发展,我们最终会受到这些计划祸害,包括莱纳斯、关丹铝土矿污染、红坭山稀土厂、武吉公满山埃采金、沙巴兰瑙(Ranau)铜矿场。”

黄德表示,这类计划只能让一小部分人受益,却给环境和人民带来永久伤害,是不对的做法。#

Sunday, 28 October 2018

自诩继续扮演"监督政府角色" 林吉祥对老马施政却噤声不语

自诩继续扮演"监督政府角色"
林吉祥对老马施政却噤声不语

作者 / 来源 :林雪白 / <东方日报>言论版

林吉祥在“509”大选前接受华文媒体联访发表谈话


原标题:
林吉祥如何为自己定位?

509马来西亚变天之后,希盟政府所组成的內阁在分配官职,出现沧海遗珠之憾。国会元老林吉祥、潘俭伟、努鲁依莎、拉菲兹都没有被委以重任。贵为我国最资深的国会议员,林吉祥退隱幕后,令许多国人为其扼腕不已。毕竟,林老在野为国为民奋斗趟过一甲子。多年的媳妇好不容易熬成婆婆,从在野的反对党,终於晋入执政的政党,却选择不入阁当官掌权,自诩將继续扮演监督政府的角色。

然而,林老不在其位,不谋其权,所谓的监督政府的角色,充其量依旧发挥其在反对党的本色,继续“声伐”已成为反对党的国阵成员领袖一些不成气候的议题。希盟执政以来,林吉祥在很多重大的议题如承认统考、老马屡次发表大马华人有钱论、仓促废除死刑、甚至林冠英的中文文告被人放大纷扰,林老和其党员一样噤声不语,明哲保身。

老马颐指气使,何来平起平坐?

509希盟执政以来,行动党在很多议题上选择沉默是金。当初成立希望联盟强调所有成员党都是平起平坐,有別於国阵的巫纯一党独大。当老马重当老大颐指气使指派官职內阁时,很多希盟支持者已开始感到失望。从希盟四大主要政党在这次全国大选所贏得的议席,国会占122席,公正党取得47个、行动党42个、土团党13个、诚信党11个;在希盟所贏取247个州议席,而行动党贏得將近一半,101席、公正党67个、诚信党34个、土团党24个。

可是,当完整的內阁名单终於在千呼万盼出炉之后,希盟各成员党在部长和副部长的分配上,並没有依据各党所佔据之议席的多寡为前提。公正党分別获得7个部长和副部长、行动党各获6个部长和副部长、土团党和诚信党分別5个部长和4个副部长、人民復兴党3个部长2个副部长。以上数据明显揭示,土团党是希盟最大的贏家,老马是掌握大权的大当家。

由此可见,希盟政府当初说好的平行平坐,是一场美丽的谎言、还是难得糊涂的误会?

2010年英国保守党在选举贏得306席,但未能取得过半数的议席,於是与贏得57席的自民党展开对话,以期获得政权。然而自民党却趁机左右摇摆,开始向获得258席的工党招手。最后,卡梅伦在一些议题上节节退让,终於和自民党达成联合执政的协议,组成联合政府。追溯前英国首相卡梅伦的任相期间直到掛冠离去,在国会一些爭议的议题表决投票,多次遭受来自其党后座议员的背叛。2016年英国脱欧公投以51.9%退出欧盟,来自保守党內部政治斗爭的背后插刀,令卡梅伦承担失败责任而辞去首相。

行动党议员都自我阉割了声带

话说回来,马来西亚政治体系沿袭英国,今年首次政权更迭,林吉祥从国会反对党领袖转换为执政成员党的最高领袖之一。林吉祥曾在檳州1995打出“有实权的首长”口號,却失意於丹绒三役;1999年因与公正党、伊党组成替阵联盟,国州议席皆落败。马来西亚华人社会普遍认同林吉祥等同火箭,行动党是勇於代表华人发言声討的政党。

林吉祥理应比任何人都瞭解,今天马华为何走到这个瓶颈,缘何会被国內大部份华人所唾弃至溃不成军?值得关注,今天的行动党在民间已被喻为马华第二,林老难道可以听而不闻,任由多年在华社打下良好的奠基被砸烂?

借鉴当年以卡梅伦为首的英国联合政府,来自联盟和卡梅伦所属保守党的后座议员,在重大议题的公投表决,都勇於和党首对抗对立。令人不解行动党在希盟政府,所掌握绝大部份国州议席,绝对有足够的筹码和相当的底气,力抗希盟掌权者所有不公平的政策和失去均权对等的现象,缘何行动党上上下下都自我阉割了声带,放弃人民代议士发言的权力?

林老监督失责、失当、失败?

509之后,林吉祥在受访时认为一个健全民主的国家,执政党本身也必须拥有自我监督及纠错的能力。如今,您是否监督失责、失当、失败?

我十分好奇,林吉祥在日后要如何为自己定位?如维基百科所称,马来西亚民主改革之父?希盟成员实权资深领袖之一?我国在位最久的国会反对党领袖?柔州依斯干达公主城区国会议员?现任马来西亚財政部长林冠英的父亲?#

从独中、督学与校鞋看希盟教育部表现—— 大事不做,小事添乱; 朝令夕改,令人疑惑!

从独中、督学与校鞋看希盟教育部表现——
大事不做,小事添乱;
朝令夕改,令人疑惑!

作者 / 来源:沙巴汉 / <当今大马>读者来函



   原标题:谈独中、督学及校鞋



自希盟上台后,在教育上不但未见有任何兴革可言,反而引起了不少节外生枝,不是问题的问题。这些问题包括:承认独中统考 、华校督学及更换校鞋等问题。


相关事件经过纷扰一阵后,目前已暂告一段落。笔者无意再次挑起争议,只是就事论事,对此三大课题, 表达个人观点如下:

(一)承认独中统考问题

承认独中统考演变到今日,已是华人感情上的问题。老实说,承不承认,无关宏旨。理由是,60年都过去了。在前朝政府的歧视政策下,把华文教育及独中当作一项政治课题来看待,每当到了大选,为了骗取华人选票,讨好华裔选民,就把政策放松些, 让华人产生错觉,误以为政府即将承认独中统考 ,于是乎大家便把选票投向执政党。

国阵就靠此一烂招获取华人选票而维持其政权。 最明显的例子,就是在505大选前的2013年4月2日,时任马青教育局主任的张盛闻发出文告,全面承认统考文凭指日可待。华人选民明知受骗,但当时在野党不成气候,没法子改朝换代。到了 2016年,时任马华副教育部长张盛闻说, 承认统考只剩下最后一里路,可是这一里路至今尚未走完。

迨至509大选, 在野党联合组成希盟,声言若执政将维持社会正义, 公平对待全民, 并在竞选宣言中,白纸黑字, 信誓旦旦, 把承认统考列入。此举获得华社热烈欢迎,大家都集中把选票投给希盟,造成大马历届选举中获取最多华人选票的政党联盟,总共囊括了95%的华人支持率。

大选过后,人们却听到承认统考似乎出现变调的说辞。虽然没有全盘被否定, 但比起前朝只差一里路说法,更加遥远。早前正副教育部长均声言,当局需要时间完成一些必要的程序。 好吧! 姑且相信一次,华社60年都能等,岂在争朝夕。

正如笔者所言,华文教育与独中是最能牵引华人神经的敏感课题。 华人传统上重视教育, “再穷也不能穷教育” 的观念, 根植每个华人的心坎中。谁人胆敢打华文教育的坏主意,将被视为有如破坏华人宗祠和祖庙,肯定不甘罢休!

想当年,华人先贤们,身无分文,只穿着一件单衣薄裤,南来充当 “苦力” 劳工。彼等所到之处, 都不会忘记兴学育才。你政府不理,我们自己来办学。从殖民地时代至独立后为止,华文学校遍地开花。今日大马60间独中,也同样在此一背景下开枝散叶,成为华人感情之所系。

那当局承认统考与否,在今日来说已不太重要的看法又如何?笔者倒先要反问一句:那承认了又如何?有何益处?在现有体制下,既使华人子弟拥有受承认的学位,要想进入政府部门工作,或在其他官方机构谋取一官半职,又不是照样难若登天。所以说,整个问题徵结在制度,不在于承认与否的问题。只要华人子弟不能得到公平对待,承认或不承认都没大分别。

回头我们再来审视一下独中统考不受承认的情况。数十年来, 华人子弟因在本国大学不得其门而入,被迫负笈海外深造。不错,所有华人父母都为了子女教育含莘茹苦,节衣缩食。然而,天无绝人之路,最终都能将子女们培育成材,拥有全世界承认的学位,或成为专才,或在海外创出一片天。

俗语说:此处不留人,自有留人处。人才流失,最终损失是那一方,不言而喻。反之,若整百万华人子弟留在国内, 其结局又当如何?成龙成凤?还是成犬成虫?只要看大马由早前“亚洲四小龙”沦落至与柬埔寨同级,至今债台高筑,国债超过一兆亿,便可得知其后果了。

总之,事到如今,承认或不承认统考,对华社来说,可有可无。承认固然欢迎,不承认也无多大影响。何况世界各国都早已承认统考了。但是,对一个政党来说,失信予民的后果将是不堪设想的,前朝国阵政府就是前车之鉴。

(二)华校督学存废问题

教育部把向来存在的华校督学职位,改名称为“助理主任”的问题,引发华社关注。当局的解释是,只是名称上的更改,相关职位并没有被废止,反而被升职了。此后,隶属于学校管理处(Sektor Pengurusan Harian)与教学语文科(Unit Bahasa,Sektor Pembelajaran)两部门,与其他语文督学(Penyelia) ,一道全改称〝助理主任〞 (Penolong Pengarah) ,原有之职责未变,还是照样操作。

在此,笔者不禁要问:华校督学的名称,由殖民地时期至国阵政权,近百年未曾改变过,何以到了希盟上台,就要作出改变? 其动机委实耐人寻味。特别是来自一个上台前,曾口口声声要公平对待华校及承认统考的政党。

副教育部长张念群的解释,充其量与前朝历任马华副教育部长一样,只是充当灭火员的角色罢了。 而华校督学名称更换后,已明升暗降了。昔日各语文督学,改名助理主任同归学校管理处及教学处语文科。骤看之下,好像华文助理主任(督学) 人数较以前增加,但实际情况有否填补?只有天知道,沙巴州就是一例。再者,此一重组是否向单元语文教育作更进一步靠拢?如果以此显示大马还保有多元教育,岂不是掩耳盗铃之举?

以沙巴情况而论,华校督学的职位经一贬再贬之后,至今已人去楼空,乏人问津了。在殖民地时代,英国政府曾特别保送一批华校高材生,赴香港崇基学院(今中文大学)深造,彼等取得英联邦受训合格教师资格后,加入教育部服务,并委任为华校督学。当时沙巴四个省分都分派有大学资历的华校督学。

大马成立不久后,随着这些督学们告老退休,后继无人。原有的制度遭到蚕食及破坏。开始时,以一些中学资历者填补空缺,过后,连不懂中文者也被委为华校督学。到了今天,只剩下一位在亚庇总部以助理教育总监名称的华校官员。至于华文科督学,相信早已不复存在了。既使存在,如果只有中学程度学历,不知将如何视察及督导中学华文?

众所周知,教育部中存有不少小拿玻仑,打从前教育总监阿都拉曼阿萨(Abdul Rahman Arshad)开始,各级官员对华校鲜有襄助。阿都拉曼阿萨退休后出任玛拉工艺大学副校长,曾公然倡议关闭华校,实行单元教育制度。相信教育部中像阿都拉曼阿萨这类具种族思维的官员,仍然为数不少。

笔者希望张念群不要像过去马华部长那样只是扮演灭火员角色,即听取部门官员汇报后,又转向华社解释。反之,应主动提出改善华校所受到之不公平待遇。

易言之,华校督学一职应具有大学资历者充任,并且应像殖民政府那样成为一级公务员。如此,才有望提高华校教育水准。

(三)更换校鞋问题

教育部在无预警下,突然宣布更换学生校鞋,由原有之白色更换为黑色。此举委实引发不少恶评。 问题是好端端的白鞋为何要更换成黑鞋,理由何在?此点,对习惯了昔日盗贼统治的民众,脑海里难免会想起这可又是一笔天文数字的大生意啊!还有课本呢?说实话,难怪纳吉也会嘲讽接下来是否要更换校服颜色?

教育部向来给人们的印象是朝令夕改,换了一位部长,又换一套新的计划 。苦的是教师们尾追不上,而教育部也把大量资源花费在重新培训计划上,最后结果都不了了之。 许多教改计划,更是无疾而终。例如:过去的3M教学法与教学评审制、英文教数理等。开始时,轰轰烈烈,最后沦于雷声大,雨点小,而告彻底失败。请问独立后教育部的教改有那一样是成功的?

殖民地时代留下的良好制度,高水准英语及名校,如今安在?就沙巴来说,殖民地时期的沙巴学院、诸圣、拉沙、庇中; 山打根的圣迈可、圣玛莉、双修; 斗湖的政中、圣巴特、圣三等,现在都已面目全非,风光不再了。

简言之,教育部给人们的印象是大事不做,小事添乱,朝令夕改,令人无所适从。要改革教育, 应先从教育部本身做起。#



Friday, 26 October 2018

Unite with the Masses and Persist in True Democratic Reform! Abandon Illusion and Stop the Restoration of “Mahathirism”! —— Views on the political situation in Malaysia after GE14

Unite with the Masses and Persist in True Democratic Reform!
Abandon Illusion and Stop the Restoration of “Mahathirism”!
— Views on the political situation in Malaysia after GE14

◆Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee◆




【Text below is translated from original version in the Chinese language published on 9 September 2018. In the case of any discrepancy between the English rendition and the original Chinese version, the Chinese version shall prevail.】



[Sahabat Rakyat Editor's Note] On 1 September, Mahathir made a speech at The Future of the Bumiputra and Nation Congress 2018 with around 2,500 attendees, emphasizing on two key points: (1) He wanted Malays and Bumiputras to give up crutches, stop relying on the government, find their own way out, he criticised the bad tendency of selling off approved permits (APs) and contracts awarded to them; (2) However, he also said that the Malays and the Bumiputera would not be able to compete if Malaysia welcomes a flood of traders and entrepreneurs from China, and in the end they will have to live next to the jungle.

After giving Malays the above mentioned ‘advice’ in the congress, Mahathir then turned to the businessmen from China who come to invest in Malaysia. In the past (within the period when he first wielded political power), he condemned the Malaysian Chinese that their domination in economy had resulted in “Malays’ poverty”, and emphasised that the government should “help the Malays”. The consequence that the people of various ethnic communities were able to see was: Mahathir successfully propped up a massive Mahathir family, cronies as well as Malay bureaucratic capitalist cliques who control the economy of our nation. Now, after he regains political power, he anxiously created psychological fear amongst the Malays that “If Malaysia welcomes a flood of people from China to trade or reside in Malaysia, the Malays will ultimately lose their place and have to live next to the jungle”. It is not hard for discerning person to tell what Mahathir’s motive is.

We remember that a year ago (in October 2017), insight people pointed out that: Mahathir is the chief culprit causing Malaysia’s economic cake today firmly controlled by UMNO and their bumiputra cronies, there is a serious imbalanced in the distribution of resources, and the Chinese leaders are tamed like dogs. The so-called "Mahathirism" is nothing more than a popular and vivid description of "Malay supremacy" and "Anti-Chinese."

Mahathir’s words and deeds, be it in Malaysia or abroad, upon his completion of structuring the cabinet, the entire government and the heads of different governmental departments , made many Malaysians feel that “Mahathirism is in restoration’. Leaders, grassroots members of the original 3 founding parties in Pakatan Harapan (PH) and the broad masses of all ethnic groups who pursue democratic reform in Malaysia, should be vigilant about Mahathir’s scheme and stop the restoration of Mahathirism before it is too late!

Sahabat Rakyat was established on 9 September 2001, hoping to play a small part in promoting democratic human rights movement in Malaysia. This article reflects our views on the political situation of the present phase in Malaysia (when PH comes to power after the "509" general election) as a gift of the 17th anniversary of Sahabat Rakyat, wishing to share with like minders who are striving for the democratic human rights movement in Malaysia and internationally.

The title of this article is  “Unite with the masses and persist in true democratic reform! Abandon illusion and stop the restoration of “Mahathirism”.It is divided into 5 chapters below:

  1. "509" is the heavy storm of democratic reform reflecting the will of the people to bury UMNO-dominated (BN) hegemonic rule
  2. The results of the election show that voters are inclined to the original three founding parties of the PH (namely Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Amanah Negara (PAN)) or Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS)
  3. The 3 founding parties of the PH (namely PKR, DAP and PAN) and the people of all ethnic groups must be vigilant about Mahathir’s scheme and the restoration of Mahathirism
  4. The reformist and conservative dual nature of PH is the main determinant of the progressive or reactionary tendency of the PH regime
  5. NGOs to unite with the leaders, cadres and masses in the 3 founding parties of PH who persist in the “real democratic reform” to stop the restoration of “Mahathirism”
The following is the full text of the article-

(Ⅰ)"509" is the heavy storm of democratic reform reflecting the will of the people to bury UMNO-dominated (BN) hegemonic rule

With regard to the 14th General Election (GE14) held on 9 May 2018, the key points of Sahabat Rakyat’s views published on 6 May prior to the polling day are as follows:

▲ Propaganda poster of Sahabat Rakyat on "509" General Election. Mahathir and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) are circled in yellow. (Source of image: Sahabat Rakyat views on how to vote in 509 election)

(1) On May 9 polling day, all people together not to vote for candidates from UMNO as well as UMNO-dominated MCA, MIC and other component parties of BN, and also not to vote for Mahathir and candidates of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) (contesting under the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) banner) [which also means: reject Mahathir to become “twice-cooked Prime Minister” (direct translation from the Chinese phrase “huiguoshouxiang”(回锅首相), which means return to power as the Prime Minister); prevent Mahathir from returning to power].

(2) On May 9 polling day, all people vote for candidates of the original 3 founding parties (namely PKR, DAP and PAN) of Pakatan Harapan contesting under the PKR banner; or for those in the constituencies contested by more than one democratic parties (herein mainly refers to Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) which has a 20-year struggle record), choose to vote for candidates who have the courage to hold a clear-cut and firm position in opposing UMNO hegemonic rule and Malay supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu).

We also emphasised that “To the people of all ethnic groups, Mahathir is an overbearing and ambitious Malay politician who has carried out racist rule with enormous deceptiveness and harm and thus has the highest danger. If you vote for Mahathir, it is like being tricked to board on a pirate ship and leave yourself at the mercy of Mahathir, which you will ultimately suffer from it!”


Comparing with the previous general elections, the results of this election have proven that: regardless in the urban or rural areas, the national voters expressed greater resentment against UMNO-dominated BN hegemonic rule (hereinafter referred to as "UMNO hegemonic rule"). More voters from all ethnic groups refused to vote for candidates from UMNO, and from UMNO-controlled MCA, MIC and other BN component parties, resulting the Parliamentary seats and the votes won by BN decreased from 133 to 79 seats and from 47.38% to 35.6% respectively compared to GE13. [1].

Nevertheless, UMNO still gained around 35-40% of the Malay votes, although losing its federal power, it still retained Pahang and Perlis states, still having major political influence as the opposition party in several state assemblies, and still possesses a huge party assets and resources accumulated from its long-term ruling. We believe that although the UMNO hegemonic rule in power for 61 years has fallen, the existence of UMNO and its future development has an impact on the political situation of our country, it is still an important factor that cannot be ignored especially for the shaping of the new government (at current stage refers to the PH government) and its ruling strategy.

UMNO will adopt an aggressive racist political line to regain a foothold in the new phase of political struggle upon losing the Malay votes in the east coast, northern suburbs and most of the west-coast cities of peninsular Malaysia. The results of UMNO party elections held after the election shows that: UMNO currently lacks the ability to self-innovate, the party delegates still opted Zahid-led leadership who represents the vested interests group to lead UMNO. Therefore, it can be expected that the newly elected leadership team headed by Zahid will eventually resort to the more aggressive Malay racist political line to reinvigorate the image and prestige of UMNO to safeguard the sovereignty and interests of the Malays. However, UMNO, which lost its federal power, is not only facing competition from PAS which all the while propagates Islamic ideology in winning the Malay political influence, it now also has to suffer the extrusion from the 2 main political parties namely PPBM and PKR which are in power and have more resources. It is not easy to reinvigorate its former prestige unless PH leaders commit to very serious political mistakes.

In east Malaysia, this heavy storm of reformation had also overthrown the BN state regime in Sabah led by UMNO Sabah, left with the Sarawak state regime dominated by Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB) surviving from this storm for the time being as Sarawak state election and the general election did not take place simultaneously. The Parliamentary seats they won in GE14 reduced from 25 seats to 19 sets, this is the only state that BN won more than half of the Parliamentary seats. Nevertheless, in order to consolidate their position and interests in Sarawak, leaders of the four former BN component parties of Sarawak announced their withdrawal from the BN on 12 June to form Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS).

All in all, after GE14, from the federal (central) to state governments are no longer dominated by UMNO-led hegemonic clique except Pahang and Perlis (more precisely still dominated by UMNO). This means that the political rule which so-called sharing power amongst different ethnic groups but UMNO dominated rule in actual have been dissolved, the broad masses have successfully dumped the 61-year old racist hegemonic rule that UMNO implemented nationally into the dustbin of history. Bravo!


(Ⅱ) The results of the election show that voters are inclined to the original three founding parties of the PH (namely Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Amanah Negara (PAN)) or Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS)

PH formed a new federal government with the support for 122 Members of Parliament (out of 222 MPs in total), formed PH state government in 7 of the states in peninsular Malaysia, and formed a pro-PH state government in Sabah headed by Parti Warisan Sabah. The original 3 founding parties of PH (PKR, DAP, PAN) won 101 Parliamentary seats in total, mainly from the west coast of the peninsular, especially the constituencies to the south of Kedah. Last year (2017), we pointed out that at the current phase, these 3 parties of PH are comparatively in accord with the reform aspiration of people of all ethnic groups and belong to the peoples’ camp. Therefore, it is understandable that people of all ethnic groups in the country will vote in support to the candidates from DAP, PKR and PAN in the upcoming GE.

Comparing with the GE13, the original 3 founding parties of PH gained more popular votes from the non-Malay (non-Muslim) groups in GE14, fully reflects the determination of the people of all ethnic groups to get rid of UMNO hegemony which had been ruling for 61 years that had slowed down and even stagnating the social development, increasing the economic hardship of the people living at the bottom level of the society, worsening ethnic and religious oppression, depriving the political rights of the oppressed ethnic groups and other dilemmas. Non-Malay voters are indeed worried about the restoration of Mahathir, but in the propaganda campaign where some DAP leaders actively promoted that the only way to “save the country” is by “making use of Mahathir to bring Najib down”, voters who have been longing to ‘change government’ had generally voted for candidates from PH (including PPBM led by Mahathir), to varying degrees hoping that the Mahathir-led PH will seize the federal power to improve people’s lives, and thus they did not consider other options at all resulting all other small parties completely annihilated in this election, especially in the constituencies in Peninsular Malaysia.

We appreciate and welcome the fact that the original 3 parties of PH have achieved breakthrough results in this election, but we wish to remind the original 3 parties of PH: Do not breach their own promise (especially those made before GE14) to promote democratic reform and improve people’s lives, do not allow PH government returning to the old path of UMNO which promotes Malay racist hegemonic rule; if the leaders in power change from being the representatives and defenders of people's interests to the tool of the new ruling clique to oppress the people, then the people will spurn these 3 parties which have degenerated using the same determination they showed in this GE in spurning BN rule.

The leaders and supporters of the PH camp and some masses generally believed that PAS would be defeated in this election and came to dead end, the election results however had surprised them. The Parliamentary seats won by PAS slightly reduced from 21 seats to 18 seats [1], compared to the previous general election. However, they obtained more Malay votes while losing a large number of non-Malay votes, they won circa 30% Malay votes, increasing their Parliamentary votes from 1.85% to 16.64%, and won a strong state power in Kelantan and Terengganu. This shows that in the East Coast constituencies, where the ethnic structure is relatively unitary with Malays as the majority, Malay voters who rejected UMNO had mostly chosen PAS. If using Kelantan and Terengganu as the starting point, the votes for PAS in other regions decreased as the distance from the origin goes further. In Perlis, Kedah and Pahang, PAS won a total of 22.9-31.4% of the votes. In Perak and Selangor, they only got about 15.2-16.3% of the votes [1]. As for other states, they received less than 10% of the votes.

We are of the view that the long-term and in-depth mass work of PAS in the Malay society in the East Coast of the peninsular has established its image as a more reliable alternative to UMNO. It can be said that the Malay voters who supported PAS did not care at all whether PAS stood a chance to capture Putrajaya in this election. After this election, PAS verified that their current political line and strategy against PH could expand and consolidate their political foundation. They will make great strides along the road against PH which they took before GE14. They will promote the agenda of state Islamisation more radically in order to compete with the other Malay parties. It is foreseeable that PAS will turn from defence to offense and adopt the strategy of uniting UMNO and splitting PH, so as to obtain more Malay votes, aiming to achieve better results in the next general election.


(III) The 3 founding parties of the PH (namely PKR, DAP and PAN) and the people of all ethnic groups must be vigilant about Mahathir’s scheme and the restoration of Mahathirism

PPBM headed by Mahathir is a political party formed in September 2017 that calls for the defence of Malay supremacy so that Mahathir can participate in the GE14 to defend the interests of his family, his cronies and his faction after he was removed from the UMNO by Najib’s clique after the intensifying internal contradictions of UMNO ruling clique. It is the least experienced component party in PH. Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of Reformasi could not become the “chief commander” in PH election campaign as he was still caught up in prison fetter (according to the law, even if he is released, he is still not allowed to participate in the general election), PH was not able to nominate any other suitable candidate as their commander to "overthrow Najib".

At the same time, as Mahathir’s goal was to "overthrow Najib, re-seize political power" which was in accord with the goal of PH to "overthrow Najib, capture Putrajaya", Mahathir was then welcomed by the PH leadership with open arms to assume the role of the "chief commander" in the election campaign. During the campaign period, PH leaders and related media deliberately exaggerated Mahathir's role, including propagated that his important partners, Daim Zainuddin and Rafidah Aziz who stepped forward to campaign for PH, they also direct broadcasted Mahathir's speech a day before the polling day. Leaders of the PH seemed to portray Mahathir as a "noble leader" who can "save Malaysia from the kleptocracy government".

Although the PPBM led by Mahathir only won 13 parliamentary seats and less than 6% of the nation’s total votes in GE14, but in the attempt to allow Mahathir to become Prime Minister without question, PH leaders and advisors with the help of propagandists had launched a massive propaganda to deify Mahathir, attempting to deceive the people that Mahathir is no longer the Mahathir who was still being accused by Lim Kit Siang as "the main culprit of the corruption and abuse of power of our country " in 2015.

Excerpt from Lim Kit Siang's speech at the DAP Puchong election fund-raising dinner on 1 Jan 2015. His speech emphasised that the people should reject the restoration of Mahathirism in the upcoming election. (Source: orientaldaily.com.my/s/20260#)

In fact, Mahathir’s main role in this election was to accomplish the “making use of Mahathir to get rid of Najib” strategy planned by DAP leadership, to bring back the enthusiasm of the voters to vote for PH after they lost enthusiasm for political reform upon the disintegration of Pakatan Rakyat.

Facts have proven that, the number of votes obtained by PH led by Mahathir and Parti Warisan Sabah only reached 45.56%.[1] This achievement is actually worse than 51.09% of the votes obtained by Pakatan Rakyat in the previous GE. Furthermore, as mentioned above, "this shows that in the East Coast constituencies, where the ethnic structure is relatively unitary with Malays as the majority, Malay voters who rejected UMNO have mostly chosen PAS ", PAS won circa 30% Malay votes, increasing their Parliamentary votes from 1.85% to 16.64%, and won a strong state power in Kelantan and Terengganu.” PH's victory is mainly based on the people's determination to end the UMNO hegemony. This is an objective fact that is independent of any individual’s will (including Mahathir). "The change of the government is unlikely to happen without Mahathir" is just a propaganda slogan of some parties to deify Mahathir!

After "509", the future of the new regime of PH should be decided by the will of the people rather than the will of those in power. Do the masses insist on the implementation of democratic reform by PH, or indulge the powers that be in PH to act according to their own will? This is a major choice that the people must make now. If the people are left to the mercy of those in power (referring to the leaders of PH, especially Mahathir), it will eventually prove our previous statement about “’strategy’ of ‘making use of Mahathir to bring Najib down’ that is vigorously advocated by the leaders of the democratic parties and organisations is actually harmful to the democratic reform struggle of the people of all ethnic groups” is a judgment that has realistic significance and value of alert.

We have emphasised before that "Mahathir has been the representative of Malay bureaucrat-capitalist class in Malaysia since he took power in 1980s. After stepping down, as he was unwillingly pushed out by the UMNO clique in power, he wanted to contest in the GE14 hoping to become “twice-cooked Prime Minister”, by hook or by crook. Mahathir is not to “repent his sins, and to save Malaysia”, but to protect the interests and consolidate the position of himself, his family and the cliques of his cronies.” The fact shows that after Mahathir’s return in becoming the Prime Minister, he remains the Prime Minister who had ruled our country for 22 years, and has not turned into the one who supports reform from his resistance to UMNO. Before the cabinet was set up, on 12 May, he appointed Daim Zainuddin, the former Finance Minister to lead the The Council of Eminent Persons (CEP). Daim in this capacity represented Mahathir to examine some of the country's key development projects including the East Coast Rail Network (ECRL) project. The two of them worked together to decide that the ECRL was either halted or negotiable, and visited China one after another to hold negotiation. The allegation that "the conditions in the contracts hurt the people and the country" is simply a political language to deceive the people. All their words and actions are nothing but to show to China that all resolutions made by Najib must be cancelled. If China wants to continue cooperation, all plans need to be re-negotiated and re-arrange by them (which is the new government).

Mahathir, after returning to power as the Prime Minister, in order to use his power to dominate wealth distribution amongst different interest groups according to his individual will in an effective manner, Mahathir denounced Khazanah Nasional Berhad (KNB) dominated by Najib's government had been deviating from its original objective of increasing Bumiputra’s shares holding, PH government would relook into Khazanah’s role. Hence, without any hesitation, he appointed himself as the chairman of Khazanah's new board of directors, and his followers as member of the board of directors. He just dominated Khazanah operation so blatantly to continue implementing policies that “prioritise Bumiputras” in the name of increasing the shares of Bumiputra entrepreneurs which in actual “fertilising” his cronies.

Similar motives were also exposed by Mahathir's insistence to revive his "dream of national car". Due to poor management, 49.9% stake of Proton, the first national car founded by Mahathir, was acquired by Geely Automotive Co. Ltd. from ZheJiang, China and agreed to be managed by Geely. Mahathir once expressed this made him felt like "losing his child". Although DRB-HICOM still owns 50.1% stake of Proton Holding Bhd, Mahathir no longer considers Geely-managed Proton as the "national car". Mahathir insists to develop a "third national car" despite opposition from various parties, casting doubts on the public that this is in fact to safeguard the interests of his many crony companies in the Proton supply chain which now face pressure to reform and improve their quality.

Since the announcement of "The Future of the Bumiputra and Nation Congress 2018" by the Ministry of Economic Affairs, the Bumiputra entrepreneurs who have been getting the assistance from the government were looking forward to it whereas many of the non-Bumiputra small and medium-scale entrepreneurs who have been living independently for survival were getting worried. According to media reports, on 1 September, Mahathir made a speech at this congress attended by about 2,500 people, focusing on two key points: (1) He wanted Malays and Bumiputras to give up crutches, stop relying on the government, find their own way out, he criticised the bad tendency of selling off approved permits (APs) and contracts awarded to them; (2) However, he also said that the Malays and the Bumiputera would not be able to compete if Malaysia welcomes a flood of traders and entrepreneurs from China, and in the end they will have to live next to the jungle (see video clip below). Mahathir's words nowadays are often ambiguous, and often contain double implications, which is unpredictable. He often twists his words and has his own rationale. He sometimes even has hidden plot to destroy someone which is terrifying.


  ▲ Video of Mahathir delivering speech in "The Future of the Bumiputra and Nation Congress 2018 "

Many scholars and political analysts expressed concern over Mahathir's words and behavior. Some even argue that Mahathir's ultimate goal is to turn PH into BN 2.0. They have their points. Most of them are of the view that: Mahathir’s current style, words and deeds are not much different compared to before when we was the Prime Minister under BN government. He remains an incomparable arrogant and overbearing person. The only difference is his current style has a better "democracy" facade.

In addition, some people even naively think that: Mahathir is already 93 years old and he has not much time left to give command. Don’t they realise that, Mahathir is the representative of the ruling clique, he does not act alone, there are a lot more "Mahathirs" who will follow Mahathir's order or act in compliance with "Mahathirism".

When the Cabinet of PH, ministers and heads of government departments all act in accordance to Mahathir's order and adhere to "Mahathirism", that is the time when "Mahathirism" is restored. By that time, whether Mahathir is alive or dead, whether or not he is still in power is no longer important. The outcome of the democratic reform of the people of all nations and the 3 founding parties of PH will be completely destructed when "Mahathirism" has fully restored.

Leaders of different levels and grassroots members of the original 3 founding parties of PH and the people of all ethnic groups pursuing nation democratic reforms must be vigilant about Mahathir's scheme and unite to prevent the restoration of Mahathirism before it's too late!


(Ⅳ)The reformist and conservative dual nature of PH is the main determinant of the progressive or reactionary tendency of PH regime

From the political struggle perspective, PH has dual nature, i.e. the reformist nature and the conservative nature due to the following reasons:

1. The original 3 founding parties of PH, namely DAP, PKR and PAN are basically product from the political struggle of the people of all ethnic groups against UMNO-dominated hegemonic rule (referring to the Alliance Party (Parti Perikatan) government in 1957 – 1969; which is known as BN government in 1969 – 2018) at different phase of the history. In general, these parties represent and struggle for the interest of the petty bourgeoisie and broad masses in the urban areas, they then formed a political coalition (the main opposition parties) PH after GE13 to fight for common goals of overthrowing UMNO hegemonic rule.

This political coalition can be deemed as the combination of two important forces, namely the people's movement promoting nation democracy and "reformasi". There is no doubt that PH has a significant reform feature. Meanwhile, it is also understandable that PH has a conservative feature contributed by the class, racial and religious factors. However, its reformation feature is more pronounced than its conservative feature.

2. While GE14 loomed, the 3 founding parties of PH had yet to develop into a powerful force capable of overthrowing the UMNO hegemonic rule because the history of their struggle was relatively short and constrained by the social conditions. In addition, Anwar, the leader of “Reformasi”, was still detained in jail, and PH was unable to name a public-backed "authoritative leader" to lead the election campaign. Thus, this situation provided a timely opportunity for Mahathir to use the power of the opposition party's camp.

The wily Mahathir gained trust and support among PH leaders just within a short period of time. Leaders of PH swiftly accepted PPBM that defends the interests of the Malays to join PH and chose Mahathir as the "chief commander" of PH. Furthermore, the contents of the PH election manifesto clearly compromise to the stand of the PPBM which defends Malay supremacy. Participation and role of Mahathir and PPBM in PH have clearly reinforced the conservative nature of PH.

3. After GE14, Mahathir, who holds the power of government, understands the need to prevent two forces in PH, namely "democratic movement" and "Reformasi" from curbing and damaging his intentions and plans to seek the interests of his cronies. Since PPBM is still a small new party, Mahathir has deployed the following approaches to strengthen the position of PPBM’s domination in PH as soon as possible to contend with these two internal forces:

(i) He used his exclusive power as Prime Minister, by appointing PPBM MPs whom he recognised the most and other PH component parties MPs whom he thinks will follow his directive or act in accordance with "Mahathirism" to most of the Cabinet minister positions;

(ii) He utilised the convenience of distributing interests in his capacity as Prime Minister, as how UMNO dominated MCA and MIC leaders in the past, he would split the leaders from the 3 founding parties of PH and try to offer appeasement. He would try to attract and recruit leaders who can accept "Mahathirism" to continue to play the role as the secret agent on behalf of PPBM in the PH line;

(iii) He would take a clear-cut stand and adopt more cunning tactic to deceive the support of Malay voters. This is because PH only received support of about 30% among Malay voters in GE14, he must attract the support of Malay voters who supported UMNO and PAS to strengthen his and PPBM’s political position.

▲ Daim (right) is the most indispensable partner of Mahathir while in power (Click: youtube.com/watch?v=DtuLJWqWC6A)

In the next five years, the dual nature of PH will definitely be reflected in the continuous conflict between the original force of "democratic movement" and "Reformasi" within PH with the force of Mahathir, PPBM and Mahathirism. This can be discerned in the upcoming PKR election. After appointing Azmin as Economic Affairs Minister which was emptied out of the Finance Ministry, Mahathir then appointed him to be one of the Board of Directors of Khazanah Nasional Berhad before the election of PKR. The discerning person will easily understand that:

On the surface, it appears that the competition of PKR deputy chairman between Azmin and Rafizi is a fight for Anwar's succession; in actual, this is a rivalry between pro-Mahathir faction who are in power with the "Reformasi" faction and the reform faction which upholds "democratisation". Due to Mahathir’s conduct, this PKR election has the significance of the competition of influence towards the largest component party in PH between the reformist faction and the conservation faction within PH. This competition will eventually have a profound and deep impact on the tendency of the PH regime to be more progressive ("with the people") or more reactionary ("against the people").

The dual nature of PH reflects the internal contradiction of PH. The internal contradiction of PH differs from the internal contradiction of PR in the past: PR was formed by DAP, PKR and PAS and it was a camp of opposition. The main contradiction of PR was on the stance of whether or not supported Islamic state policies. Therefore, the internal contradiction of PR is an internal contradiction of the people. At present, PH consists of DAP, PKR, PAN and PPBM and is the ruling camp. Internal contradictions in PH may be reflected in either oppose or advocate important policies such as Malay hegemonic rule and the Islamic governance.

To date, PH component parties have not had consensus on approaches to resolve critical issues including Malay racism and state Islamisation. All parties in PH are avoiding these two critical issues at this stage to defend their regime. When PH can no longer avoid these critical issues and the conflict between the Mahathir-led new ruling clique and the united forces of "democratisation" and "Reformasi" in PH which firmly pursue democratic reform intensifies till not reconcilable, the conflict will then turn into the conflict with the enemy (the government). By then, PH may be split into two camps: one against the people and another one with the people, in which both will continue to fight against each other.

Before PPBM is strong enough, it will not be surprised for the PH government to implement some populist reform policies, for example the abolition of the GST in May, as Mahathir is attempting to avoid intensification of internal conflicts in order to hold power for a longer period to implement his plans and to offer appeasement to some reformist forces. However, the characteristic of PH regime is not determined by these policies but depending on the change in the dual nature of PH. This is firstly demonstrated in the way how PH government deals with the problems faced by ethnic communities who have been long suppressed under the racist hegemonic rule, as well as which classes and which groups of people will eventually enjoy the greatest benefits from the government policies.

We are of the view that there is a basis for the comments from commentators that "the PH government ultimately will not implement true democratic reform, the PH regime may turn out to be BN 2.0 or eventually split in the next 5 years". It may not require 5 years for the people to learn who actually controls PH by observing how Mahathir or PH government treat the world-wide known infamous Taib Mahmud, who has been ruling Sarawak for a long time, who plundered state’s resources for self-fertilisation, and the PBB-dominated Sarawak ruling clique that he propped up.


(V)NGOs to unite with the leaders, cadres and masses in the 3 founding parties of PH who persist in “true democratic reform” to stop the restoration of “Mahathirism”

Before the previous general election (GE13) was held, 34 relatively active NGOs put forward the “20-point Declaration GE13 Demands”. But in this general election, NGOs did not centralise and comprehensively put forward reform demands that reflect the aspirations of the people of all ethnic groups. The potential factors might be: (1) Many NGO leaders and cadres were actively involved in election campaigns for PH (some became candidates and some campaigned for PH candidates); (2) There might be diverging opinions among NGOs on the stance towards the general election or other main issues that led to the separation of NGOs and each heading towards different path.

NGOs did not put forward reform demands that could represent the interests of the people of all ethnic groups before GE14 resulting PH government taking the advantage of manipulating the interpretation of the public opinion after the election. Furthermore some former NGO leaders and cadres seem to have changed their brain after assuming position in PH (be it the government position or the party position), increasing the difficulties for NGOs to put forward various demands independently and autonomously. This is the experience that NGOs must learn from. Even if there is a democratic reform political party that can truly represent the people's struggle participating in the parliamentary election, NGOs have no reason to give up the opportunity of putting forward people’s demands independently and autonomously to the political parties before the election.

After the defeat in the election, BN entered a state of disintegration. Only the political situation in Sarawak is not clear yet because its state election was not held in parallel with the national election. The leaders of the two main opposition parties in the country, UMNO and PAS, in order to consolidate their position, and perhaps to further expand their influence, contend to emphasise Malay supremacy, strongly advocate state Islamisation and promote Malay racist ideas to win Malay votes, they oppose the true integration of all ethnic groups built on the basis of equality, they will not change the inherent racist nature in them. Therefore, NGOs must be obliged to express the voices of the people of all ethnic groups, especially the marginalised minority groups, and carry out the democratic reform struggle against racist rule.

In our view, "non-governmental organizations (NGOs)" should not be limited to more radical organizations that pursue the Western concept of "freedom, democracy, and human rights," but should be extended to what we usually call "civil/community organisations" (which are community groups formed by the people according to the provision of the existing laws of country in accordance to their needs and aspirations, rather than serving the political needs and policy of the government). It should include the existing associations, chambers of commerce, trade unions, guilds, and various community groups of culture, education, and religion and so on – the rank of the people fighting for people’s rights will only thrive we get out of the small coterie and move into a broader space.

Ten years ago, on 12 July 2008, our representative Nyam Kee Han, the then Executive Secretary of the Working Committee and the incumbent member of the Presidium, was invited to attend and deliver a speech in the dinner with a thousand of attendees commemorating the 30th anniversary of DAP’s landing in Sarawak. Nyam expressed in his speech that: (1) civil society needs political parties that fight for the interests of the people, and also needs NGOs that work for the interests of the people; (2) NGOs struggle for democracy, human rights and social justice, whereas political parties struggle to grasp or seize state power; (3) The nature and status of NGOs will not change or be different despite the change of the ruling party, NGOs are always with the people and work for the interests of the people; (4) For any pro-people political party that upholds and promotes human rights, NGOs will give their support and cooperation; and once any political party moves toward the path of hegemonic dictatorship that are against the people upon grasping the power, NGOs will stand by the broad masses to oppose and stop it.

We hope that large scales of NGOs (civil/community groups) will unite and promote the work on the basis of the “20-point Declaration GE13 Demands”. We propose this based on the reasons that: the “20-point Demands” can be deemed as a relatively perfect guiding principle officially proposed by our NGOs - it is a non-partisan, non-religious guiding principle that prioritises the “elimination of institutionalised racism”; it is a guiding principle that proposes reasonable and feasible solution to the unfairness, injustice and corruption in our society according to the concrete situation in our country.

▲ Excerpt from Lim Kit Siang’s speech delivered at DAP Puchong election fundraising dinner on 1 Jan 2015 entitled “Reject Mahathirism”) (Source: orientaldaily.com.my/s/20260#)

When NGOs are mobilised on a large scale, NGOs will then have the basis to unite with leaders, cadres, party members, and grassroots from the original 3 founding parties of PH who wish to push for “true democratic reform”, seek for common ground while reserving differences in this alliance to democratically discuss about various democratic reform issues that all care about, support PH government to implement reform agenda that are to the people’s benefit, criticise PH government policies that tend to safeguard the Malay racist rule, resist the restoration of “Mahathirism”, on the basis of non-partisan, mutual inclusive, equality and respect.

We hope that PH government will put the abolition of the Anti-Fake News Act 2018 in the agenda of the Parliament and is prepared to abolish other draconian laws. In addition, the non-Malays and the Malays who recognise equal rights within ethnic groups have also applauded the decision of the PH government in abolishing the National Civics Bureau which promotes Malay sovereignty to Malay civil servants. NGOs must urge the PH government to ensure that various evil laws abolished and the institutions that undermine national unity will not revive in the future.

We hope that the PH government will match words with deeds in supporting China's "the Belt and Road”, cooperate with China to develop a bilateral economy, complete soonest possible infrastructure projects that will help to improve national productivity and logistics efficiency, restore and drive economic development of our country. In the cooperation, we must maximise the interests of the state and the people, and prevent anyone (including Mahathir and Daim) to make use of these projects to safeguard the interests of few minor crony groups, and sacrifice the economic development opportunities of the country and the people.

We hope that the PH government will promptly investigate, review and terminate extreme huge real estate development projects which the local people can hardly afford that target at buyers from China, i.e. Forest City development which the Chinese real estate developers collude with the dignitaries who have taken the smashing measures to obtain huge quick profits and adopt a sloppy business approach. This project has now become soaring and disturbing.

We call upon the people of all ethnic groups to unite and support PH in promoting a comprehensive democratic reform and stop the restoration of "Mahathirism"!


Sahabat Rakyat Working Committee
25 October 2018
(The original version in Chinese was released on 9 September 2018)

"党际交流"提升"准官方交流" 安华访问北京由外长王毅接见

"党际交流"提升"准官方交流" 
安华访问北京由外长王毅接见

作者/来源:軒燃 / <多维新闻>网

中国外长王毅24日在北京亲自接见甫重返马国国会的安华
(图源:新华社)

原标题:王毅接见马国候任首相安华,
    中方重视未来马中关系
     (小标题为<人民之友>编者所加)

马来西亚前副首相安华(Anwar Ibrahim)不久前才在国会议席补选上,以高票击败对手重返国会,紧接着便展开到北京的访问工作。而安华在出访前更对当地媒体透露,其中国之行是为“修补”马中关系,各方也视中国会积极拉拢这位“候任”首相。 

安华重返国会后已摆出"准首相"之姿

已93岁高龄的现任马国首相马哈蒂尔(Mahathir Mohamad,马国官方译名“马哈迪”)多番重申,他会遵守承诺,仅担任首相两年便交棒予安华。尽管接下来两年仍有许多不确定性,包括安华所创办的公正党派系斗争恶化,以及马哈蒂尔与安华间多年来的不信任“心结”仍在。但安华再重返国会后已摆出“准首相”之姿,包括在10月22日访中前,安华在19日接受日媒访问时称,他会向北京了解维吾尔族穆斯林在大陆被大规模拘留的最新情况,并促请北京承认维族的少数民族权利。 

安华在从政以前,曾是马国伊斯兰运动的青年领袖,后来被马哈蒂尔赏识而拉拢进政坛。由于中国维族人权议题受到国际关注,自然也是中国周边国家的穆斯林社会所关注的议题,而安华在访中前对维族议题的表态,除为向国际社会传达未来马国仍是温和民主的穆斯林国家之立场外,也是向占马国七成人口的穆斯林有所交代。

不过根据最终安华访中的结果显示,中马双方所公开的新闻信息,除两国会持续就“一带一路”等经贸议题进行合作外,并未就任何有关维族穆斯林有表态。

外长接见安华足见重视未来中马关系

此次安华访中是应中国人民大学法学院“一带一路”智库论坛邀请,以“马来西亚的法治与中马的未来”为题进行演讲,时间原定是在10月23日下午,但后来论坛延期至10月24日,背后原因为何不得而知。 

值得注意的是,在安华访中前的公开资讯中,安华的访中之行应属公正党与中国共产党的党际交流,因该论坛的“支持单位”为中共中央对外联络部,但中国外交部长王毅却在24日接见了安华一行。 

当前安华仅是马国的国会议员,并没有身兼任何官职,安华的访中之行由“党际交流”提升至“准官方交流”,可见中国政府高度重视“未来”的中马关系。

安华不会表露出无法处理与大国关系

根据中国外交部新闻稿,王毅会晤安华时称表示,中方始终从战略高度、长远角度看待和重视中马关系,并称未来中马两国要推进科技、创新等新领域合作。而安华也表示,中国是他当选议员后的首访国家,他愿意通过此行学习借鉴中国的成功经验。此外,根据《南洋商报》报道,安华在北京中国人民大学演讲时,抨击美国特朗普(Donald Trump)政府发动的贸易战,安华称“一个已经奉行自由贸易数百年的国家,竟然主导一场贸易战。” 

王毅与安华的会面,意味着中共并不视安华早前对维族议题的表态视为未来中马关系的“绊脚石”,而安华也未在中国之行有高调的对维族议题表态,也如同了安华早前所说的会“修补”马中关系的善意。从比较安华与马哈蒂尔性格的角度而言,相比马哈蒂尔具有强烈的“民族主义”情结,能在伊斯兰世界与西方社会长袖善舞的安华,或许更不会愿意在接任首相前表露出无法处理与大国关系的举动。 

尽管中国仍需面对东南亚国家穆斯林社会对其境内宗教与少数民族问题的关注,但在中美贸易战的延烧下,东南亚国家的经济发展也会受到波及。也尽管对于“一带一路”倡议仍有债务危机的疑虑,但长期而言东南亚国家仍会与中国保持一定的良好经贸关系。# 

通告 Notification


成立18周年纪念,9月21日举办论坛

我们决定举办“‘509改朝换代’马哈迪当政,民主改革运动前进抑或倒退?”论坛与自由餐会,作为我们今年(2019年)纪念人民之友成立18周年的活动内容。以下4名专人欣然接受作为论坛的主讲人:
  • 兴权会2.0领导乌达雅古玛 (P. Uthayakumar)
  • 人权律师西蒂卡欣 (Siti Kasim)
  • 自由撰稿人及评论人唐南发(Josh Hong)
  • 媒体工作者及评论人蓝志锋(Lum Chih Feng)
4名主讲人将针对论坛主题分别出具论文,发表讲话,并回答现场问题。我们会在论坛过后,将主讲人的专题文章和讲话视频,上载到人民之友部落格(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com),供公众阅览。我们希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士,共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

论坛举办日期:2019年9月21日(星期六),时间:下午2:00—5:30时分,地点:柔佛古来,新国泰餐馆。论坛结束后才进行简单的自由餐会,同时进行互相交流。我们欢迎关心我国政治发展的公众人士前来聆听论坛主讲人的演讲并参加自由餐会(入场免费,但请事先报名参加,以便准备食物。有意参加者请填上表格https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6或联系以下负责人)。

9月9日张贴一篇具参考价值英译文章

我们已在今年9月9日(成立纪念日)这天,发表人民之友秘书处委派人员翻译的一篇新加坡前工会领袖庄明湖2013年所撰写的《廿世纪六十年代新加坡左派工运遭遇问题探索(续篇)》(原是华文版)的英文译稿,作为人民之友18周年纪念的一个献礼——提供一个新马人民反殖独立运动遭遇敌人从内部破坏的历史殷鉴,为在9月21日举行的论坛所探索的现实课题,增添一份具有启示意义的参考材料。

“人民之友”是一个着重促进我国民主人权运动的思想交流平台。人民之友工委会都是义务的自愿工作者,我们坚持独立自主的立场,我们采取自力更生、节约苦干的方针,为推动我国民主人权运动朝向正确方向发展而奋斗。我们欢迎“有心人”赞助我们的这项活动及其他工作,有意赞助者请联系:

(1)朱信杰 017-7721511
(2)钟立薇 012-7177187
(3)吴振宇 013-7778320


Forum to be held on 21 September in commemoration of 18th anniversary

We will be organising “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum cum buffet in commemoration of our 18th Anniversary. The following 4 experts have accepted the invitation to become our panel speakers:
  • P. Uthayakumar – Leader of Hindraf 2.0
  • Siti Kasim – Human rights lawyer
  • Josh Hong - Freelance writer and commentator
  • Lum Chih Feng – Media worker and commentator
All 4 panel speakers will present papers, deliver speeches and answer questions on the theme of the forum. After the event, we will also be uploading the paper and video of the speeches of the panel speakers to Sahabat Rakyat blog(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com)as reference material for the public. Through this forum, we hope to inspire more leaders of democratic parties, organisations, scholars and peoples of all walks of life to make more contribution to the democratic reform movement of our country.

Particulars of the event are as follows:
Date: 21 September 2019 (Saturday)
Time: 2:00pm – 5:30pm
Venue: Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor
Buffet will start upon the completion of the forum, concurrent with the sharing session
. We welcome all who are concerned with the political developments in Malaysia to attend this event and join the buffet meal. (Admission is free, but please register in advance so that we can make necessary arrangement for food. If you are interested, please fill in https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6or contact person in charge below)

9 September - Published the English rendition of an article of value for reference

On 9 September this year (the actual day of our anniversary), we had published an English rendition of the "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" originally written in Chinese by Chng Min Oh, a former trade union leader in Singapore on Sahabat Rakyat blog, as a gift of our anniversary. This English rendition was translated by personnel delegated by the Secretariat of Sahabat Rakyat. This article provides a historical lesson learned about the destruction bore from within of the anti-colonial independence movement of the people of Malaya and Singapore plotted by the enemy, and constitutes revelatory reference material to the realistic issues that this coming forum is probing into.

Sahabat Rakyat is an ideological exchange platform that focuses on promoting democratic human rights movement in our country. All committee members of Sahabat Rakyat are volunteers. We adhere to the stance of being independent and autonomous, we adopt the principle of being self-reliant, thrifty and hard work, and strive to promote the development of the democratic human rights movement toward the right direction.
We welcome those who are generous hearted to sponsor this event and other work that we carry out. For those who are interested to sponsor, please contact:

(1)Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511
(2)Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187
(3)Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320


此外,现居新加坡的庄明湖已将他在《人民之友》发表的《20世纪60年代新加坡左派工运问题探索》(正篇)一文的英文译稿传送到编辑部,因原文中所述人物的姓名或者是党团工会组织的全称或简称,在译文中尚未解决或有待查证,需要一些时日来完成——人民之友工委都是自愿挤出时间来进行工作的,因而无法很快完成。经过一番努力,我们终于在9月30日刊出,为我们的17周年纪念增添光彩!

值得在此一提的是,庄文所述的20世纪60年代新加坡工运遭遇问题(除了遭受来自外部的镇压,还要遭遇来自内部的破坏)的见解,或许能为一些读者(特别是不谙华文和不懂新马历史的读者)思考马来西亚民主改革运动在当前阶段面临马哈迪主义复辟的问题,提供一个历史殷鉴,或者是一个新的启示。


Malaysia Time (GMT+8)