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Sunday, 17 December 2017

Experience and conclusion of the outstanding leader, Lim Chin Siong from the constitutional struggle, is the ideological wealth that he left behind for the people of Singapore, peninsula Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak

Experience and conclusion of the outstanding leader, Lim Chin Siong 
from the constitutional struggle, is the ideological wealth that he left behind 
for the people of Singapore, peninsula Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak

Written By Chng Min Oh @ Zhuang Ming Hu
Translated By Agnes Khoo

[Sahabat Rakyat Editor's note]

Author Chng Min Oh (right) was a Singaporean painter active in the labour movement of Singapore from the 1960s to the 1970s. He became a Traditional Chinese Medicine physician in his later years and he is still practising at 80 years old today.  He wrote this article in Chinese language last year to commemorate Lim Chin Siong‘s death twenty years ago. This is the English translation of his article.

This article reveals Chng’s persistence in exploring the truth of the rise and fall of the leftist movement (including the labour movement) in Malaya (including Singapore) in that era. More importantly, it expresses his recognition and reverence for the contribution of the movement’s prominent leader, Lim Chin Siong from 1950s to 1960s. He puts forward two “little hopes” in his article:

He hopes that those (especially the key figures) who had wrongly criticised Lim Chin Siong, critically reflect and evaluate themselves and what they had done. Justice for Lim must be done in the remaining years of the persons concerned.

He hopes that the complete Q&A/ Posthumous Manuscript of Lim Chin Siong, which has been kept away for at least twenty years be released/published as soon as possible since what has so far been published is only a fragment of the entire manuscript. This is to realise Lim’s long-held wish to publish his memoir and to fulfil the public’s yearning to read his complete work.

Before the publication of Chng’s article and ahead of the 20th anniversary of Lim Chin Siong’s death, Sahabat Rakyat published an article entitled, “The Best Way to Commemorate Lim Chin Siong is to Propagate His Ideology and Ideal” in the Chinese language. The English rendition was subsequently published on 22nd February of the same year.

We mentioned in this article that “Lim Chin Siong endured relentless suppression and devastation by Lee Kuan Yew and the erroneous criticism and merciless blows by the left-wing aggressive leaders after the Feb 2 Incident in 1963. He was then being exiled to London, UK by Lee Kuan Yew ruling clique in 1969.We are of the view that, the best way to commemorate Lim Chin Siong, is to propagate his ideology, ideal and lessons learnt, especially the reflection and summing-up he did at his old age (upon his return to Singapore in 1979) on those important historical incidents of anti-colonialisation struggle of the people of Malaya (including Singapore) and his own experience on leading the anti-colonialisation struggle. He died of a heart attack on 5 February 1996. The Q&A Posthumous Manuscript is the precious message he left about the national liberation and democratic revolution struggle of the people of Malaya and Singapore that he knew and he had been through.

Today, less than two years after the afore-mentioned articles were published, we received an English translation of this article from  Chng Min Oh. Chng told us that it was translated from his Chinese article by Agnes Khoo, a Singapore-born scholar (see Introduction of Translator at the end of the article). Apart from teaching in her University, Agnes Khoo has translated Chng’s article in her spare time.

Chng’s purpose of getting his article translated from Chinese into English is to ensure that his writing is accessible to the English-speaking majority in Singapore today. Under the rule of Lee Kuan Yew and his clique, Singapore has become a society with English as the dominant language used by the majority, particularly among the middle-class and the younger generation.

Lee Kuan Yew ruling clique has effectively silenced and undermined the Chinese-speaking leaders who once commanded respect and influence in the political and social movements of Malaya and Singapore. Lee and the PAP has rendered leaders and peoples whose first languages are Chinese and Chinese dialects voiceless and powerless. It is only by reaching out and educating the new generation of Singaporeans who are predominantly English-educated, that it is possible for Singapore to "change."

The publication of the English translation of Chng’s article is also timely for the people of Peninsula Malaya, Sarawak and Sabah. The people are opposing UMNO’s hegemonic rule and fighting for equality for all ethnic groups, as well as the long over-due democratic reforms of the country. This includes no less, the resistance of the people of Sabah and Sarawak against UMNO’s hegemony. People are fighting for self-determination, and their right for non-exploitative and sustainable development that does not discriminate any ethnic group. This article appears at a critical historical juncture, just as Peninsula Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak, gear up for the upcoming General Elections. The people should no longer be misled and sabotaged.

The anti-colonial movement in Singapore during the 1950s-60s, brought the Lee Kuan Yew-led PAP ruling clique into power. The painful experience of detention, persecution and ultimately, destruction of the leftist movement (mainly the workers’ movements and trade unions) and its prominent leader, Lim Chin Siong has resulted in a totalitarian and autocratic society that Singapore has become today.

The suppression and disintegration of the progressive movement and the lessons learnt from our painful experience must be critically examined and evaluated. This should include Lim Chin Siong’s own critical reflection and summing up of the key historical episodes of our anti-colonial struggles and his personal experience in leading that movement. Therefore, his unpublished work is invaluable to the people of Peninsula Malaya , Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore.

Today, certain democratic parties, organisations and leaders in Malaysia are cheating and deceiving the Malay majority of their votes. There are those among them who hope to take over power from the ruling UMNO by welcoming Mahathir into their ranks. He who is marginalized in UMNO and continues to uphold Malay hegemony and propagates the Malay majority as Malaysia’s “savior”, should not be trusted.

Many people in today’s Malaysia, desperately wants a “change of government” and among them, there are those who support Mahathir at all costs. The failure of the leftist movement in Malaya (including Singapore), due to the errors and “wrong judgment” of some of its leaders who thought Lee Kuan Yew was their “ally and leader of the anti-colonial struggle” should serve as stark warning for us. The Left was brutally crushed and thrown aside by Lee Kuan Yew, as soon as he seized power. Have we not learnt our lesson yet?

Below is the English rendition by Agnes Khoo and the introduction about her.

1, The significance of remembering Lim Chin Siong is to learn his experience and conclusion from the peaceful constitutional struggle

Lim Chin Siong is an extraordinary leader with a strong labour movement background who whole-heartedly dedicated himself to the national democratic movement of Malaya (including Singapore) from the 1950s to 1960s). Lim passed away on 5th February 1996. Nevertheless, he remains our leader who is larger than life. His advocacy for the mass line of peaceful constitutional struggles remains the political ideology guideline of the people’s democracy and national reform movement of our country at present phase.

5th February 2016 is the 20th Anniversary of his death, we mourn for him as we gather together for his memorial. We can learn from his total dedication to and sacrifices for the Malayan workers’ movement and the anti-colonial, nationalist democratic movements. We should emulate his spirit of self-sacrifice and learn from the lessons he left behind. Without doubt, his was an arduous, painful and difficult struggle in which many like-minded Malaysians and Singaporeans have made untold sacrifices for. It is crucial that while we look to our past, we continue to move forward in our struggle for democracy and human rights in Singapore, peninsula Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak.

2, Lim led the labour movement against exploitation and oppression and graduated on the political stage of anti-colonialism

When the British colonial government imposed Emergency Regulations in Malaya (which includes Singapore) in 1948, people’s lives were heavily censured, closely monitored, and social movements were severely suppressed. Activists were brutally punished, detained and deported. Despite the rising mass discontent against the Emergency, the colonial government dragged its feet in lifting it. In 1954, the Chinese Middle School students in Singapore protested against the colonial government’s move to impose compulsory military draft of young Singaporean men. This culminated in the famous May 13th Incident that subsequently, nurtured the students’ movement in Singapore.

In 1955, workers of the Singapore Hock Lee Bus Company went on strike to demand for better pay and working conditions, but they were violently suppressed by the government. This ignited the island-wide 12th May Uprising, followed by waves of protests and demonstrations by workers. The British colonial government then rolled out parliamentary elections under Rendel Constitution in the same year, and legalised political parties, trade unions and civic organisations, to ease the discontent of the masses. This helped facilitate the emergence of progressive trade unions that fought for the rights of the workers and the masses.

Lim Chin Siong was in his third year (junior middle III) of education at Singapore Chinese High School in 1951. He participated in the students’ strike against compulsory (third year) Examination imposed by the colonial government and was arrested and jailed for a week. Consequently, he was expelled from school and could not return to formal education from then on.

From late 1953 to early 1954, he became actively involved in progressive trade union organising. He was initially employed as the paid secretary for two branches under the Singapore Bus Workers’ Union (SBWU), which were the Changi Branch Union and the Paya Lebar Branch Union respectively. Following that, he became the Secretary General of the Singapore Spinning Workers’ Union.

Subsequently, he was elected as Secretary General of the newly established the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers` Union (SFSWU) on 4th April 1954.

For Lim, he has always wanted to work for the workers and to be in solidarity with the toiling masses. He had experienced first-hand, the suffering of the workers, especially those at the grassroots who had to eke out a living despite bad working conditions with low wages. He fought for their rights and led trade union activists and leaders with complete dedication. He called for all workers to unionise, to unite and to struggle for better pay and working conditions. Under his leadership, the membership of the Singapore Factory and Shop Workers` Union (SFSWU) rose from less than a thousand to more than thirty thousand within a year.  This proves without dispute, Lim’s charisma and influence over the trade union movement. His leadership and ideas quickly made him one of the most respected leaders in the workers’ movement. He was without doubt, the most important leader of the progressive trade union and workers’ movements of Singapore.

His rise to popularity quickly caught the attention of Lee Kuan Yew who was trying to form the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 1954. Lee contacted him through the Chinese Middle School students’ leaders. Lim Chin Siong finally accepted Lee Kuan Yew’s invitation to be a PAP’s candidate for the Bukit Timah Constituency in the February 1955’s Legislative Assembly Elections in Singapore. Lee and four other PAP candidates also contested in the same election. Unsurprisingly, Lim was elected with majority votes. The speeches he made during the election, his subsequent intervention in the Legislative Assembly and his unequivocal opposition to colonial rule won him praise and trust of the workers and the masses.  He soon became the undisputed spokesperson of the workers and ordinary people. All these have established Lim Chin Siong as an iconic figure in Malayan history. He was an anti-colonialist at heart and a fearless dissident.

During this period, the anti-colonial sentiment among the people of Singapore was high and the opposition movement was strong and powerful. The Singapore people were demanding independence from Britain, which really shook the status quo and compelled the British colonialists and their accomplices to finally expose their true fascist nature. There were mass arrests starting from 18th September 1956.  Many leaders from the progressive trade unions, civic and grassroots organisations, as well as political dissidents were arrested and imprisoned. The British also banned all democratic trade unions and orgnaisations.  On 26th October of the same year, progressive trade union leaders including, Yong Koh Kim, Lim Chin Siong, C.V. Devan Nair, Fong Swee Suan, Tan Kok Wee, Dominic Putucheary were detained.

According to the report of Singapore’s Chinese language Daily, Sin Chew Jit Po on 28th October 1956, 234 people were arrested on 26th October under the Internal Security Act (ISA).  The mass arrests infuriated the people and a mass protest ensued. Unfortunately, it was brutally suppressed. The government opened fire at the protestors, followed by a curfew. The violent clamp down had resulted in fifteen deaths and many injured.

However, the mass arrests between 18th September and 26th October of 1956 did not diminish the determination of the workers and the masses to continue the anti-colonial struggle. Soon after, many trade unions, such as Singapore General Employees’ Union, Singapore Bookshops Publication & Printing Press Workers’ Union, The National Union Of Building Construction Workers, Singapore Textile and General Merchants` Employees` Union etc., united together to demand the release of their leaders and members who were imprisoned. The workers’ movement did not back down in the face of repression. On the contrary, the people persisted.

3, PAP came into power on the back of the workers led by Lim Chin Siong – Lee Kuan Yew was alarmed at Lim’s immense influence

Since the formation of the PAP in 1954, it has portrayed itself as an anti-colonial and democratic political party, which subsequently led to its overwhelming victory at the 1959 Legislative Assembly Elections, garnering 43 seats out of 51. It was given the power by the people to form the first self-government of Singapore. The people of Singapore, in particular the workers, were hopeful that Lee Kuan Yew, as the first popularly-elected leader would continue to rely on the power of the masses to get rid of the British colonialists, and to liberate the country from colonial rule so that we no longer live in fear and exploitation.

Unfortunately, Lee Kuan Yew soon exposed his true self as soon as he became the Prime Minister. He wasted no time to suppress the workers’ movement because deep down, he was worried of workers’ power; he knew that workers when united, could undermine his power.  Nevertheless, he was bound by his election promise to release several political prisoners so he had no choice but to free eight trade union leaders including, Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Swan and C.V. Devan Nair. In fact, upon their release, he went on to appoint Lim and Fong as the political secretaries of the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Labour and he put Devan Nair in-charge of the National Trade Union Congress(NTUC) that the government was in preparation to establish it.

However, Lee Kuan Yew had retained and continued to carry out all the anti-labour and undemocratic laws and ignored the demands for unifying organisations of trades unions, human rights and democracy, increasing workers’ wage and so on.

The PAP under Lee’s leadership betrayed its founding principles and vision and became increasingly antagonistic against the people. It soon became clear that it has aligned itself with British interests. This eventually led to a split within the party between the faction loyal to Lee Kuan Yew and the other, led by Lim Chin Siong and Lee Siew Choh who insisted on continuing the anti-colonial struggle in Singapore. As a result, the Left in the PAP walked out of the party and formed an opposition party, the Barisan Socialis Singapura (BSS) on 17 September 1961.

Barisan Socialis Singapura as a left-wing party was to lead the masses against the British colonial design of merging Malaysia and Singapore into the Federation of Malaysia. Article 2 of the Constitution of Barisan Socialis Singapura highlighted that: the party declares its support for the formation of a democratic Malayan government that guarantees universal suffrage for all adults born in Malaya or who pledge loyalty to Malaya. Thus, Barisan Socialis Singapura has adopted the aim and struggle line of the progressive labour movement, which is to pursue constitutional struggle.

Lim Chin Siong as the Secretary General of Barisan Socialis Singapura had emphasised in his report at the party’s first General Assembly held on 11th October 1962 that, “We must do our utmost to adopt concrete steps towards uniting all the left-wing and anti-colonial forces of the Federation of Malaya to form a central government that truly represents the majority of our people, through constitutional means. Only when we succeed to do so will the lives of our farmers, workers and people of all classes be improved. We believe that a genuine merger of Malaya and Singapore that is based on equality and democracy can only take place through such means. And it is also the only way through which the democratic rights of the people of Malaya can be guaranteed. It is only so that we can build a country that is truly peaceful and prosperous”.

The people welcomed and supported Lim’s leadership because of his advocacy for the line of peaceful constitutional struggle above is in line with the aspiration and interests of the people. He was right that it is only by uniting the majority of the people through the struggle of the anti-colonial mass movement that the opposition could win and progressively undermine the rule of Lee Luan Yew and the PAP.  The political development in Singapore after mid-1962 showed that if the Legislative Assembly Election was called in 1963 as stipulated by our Constitution, the PAP was bound to lose the majority and Barisan Socialis Singapura would surely win. Hence, Lee Kuan Yew was desperate to prevent his imminent loss of power, so he quickly suppressed the anti-colonial democratic forces. In particular, he wanted to detain Lim Chin Siong but he had to find a pretext, which led to his manipulation before the 2nd February Incident. He tried all ways and means to instigate Lim Chin Siong and his colleagues to carry out radical protests and actions so that he could use that as an excuse to arrest the leaders of Barisan Socialis Singapura. He also accused Barisan Socialis Singapura for aiding the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM).

Thus, the 1962 snap referendum on the merger of Malaya and Singapore was a preamble to Lee Kuan Yew’s sinister plot. If Lim Chin Siong was to call for a boycott of the referendum, Lee could detain all the opposition leaders by accusing them of intending to riot and thereby, justify his mass arrests and repression. Further, Lee could then deprive the opposition of their right to run for the upcoming 1963 election, as well as their right to vote.  His intention was to abrogate the right of the anti-colonial forces in running for elections and their right to vote. In so doing, Lee and PAP wanted to prevent the democratic forces from gaining momentum and power in Singapore.

Faced with this dilemma, Lim and his colleagues tried their best to respond with reason and tact. Throughout the process, Barisan Socialis Singapura conducted mass political mobilisation through peaceful means by educating the people about how unreasonable and unjustified the referendum was. They tried to expose the insidious intention of PAP and the fake constitutional democracy propagated by the party.  In fact, Lim Chin Siong had urged the people to void their votes instead of a boycott and his strategy succeeded in neutralising Lee’s plot.

On 8th December 1962, the so-called Brunei People’s Armed Uprising gave Lee Kuan Yew another pretext to clamp down on the opposition. He so desperately needed to detain Lim Chin Siong and other opposition leaders, to ‘nib’ the anti-colonial forces ‘in the bud’. Recent historical research has revealed that the so-called armed revolution in Brunei was in fact, instigated by special agents sent by the British colonialists to suppress the emerging anti-colonial movements in Brunei and Sarawak. This move gave the ruling elite of Malaya and Singapore a pretext to suppress dissent and they had succeeded.

4, The line of struggle advocated by Lim Chin Siong was undermined by Lee Siew Choh and other leaders of Barisan Socialis Singapura

1、Lim Chin Siong’s perspective on peaceful constitutional struggle and parliamentary democracy

The results of the September 1962 Referendum saw the defeat of the opposition in Singapore. There were doubts about constitutional struggle within the anti-colonial movement, which led to pessimism and a defeatist tendency on the one hand, and adventurism and radicalism on the other.

Lim assessed the outcome of the Referendum on 12th September in his statement, which reiterated the need for peaceful constitutional struggle for as long as the conditions for it exist. He wanted to counter the extreme right-wing and the extreme left-wing tendencies within the opposition, which have both cast doubt on his political strategy.

On 21st October of the same year, Lim was interviewed by his party newspaper and he said, “in the eyes of the right-wing reactionary forces, parliamentary democracy will consolidate the ruling elite’s position and power. They will not allow the left-wing forces that advocate socialism to seize power through peaceful constitutional means”.

On his assessment of peaceful constitutional struggle, Lim had this to say, “the denial of the reactionary forces among us and the validity of peaceful constitutional rule and parliamentary democracy precisely prove that it is possible for socialists to have the support of the majority of the people, if we follow the path of peaceful constitutional reform. With this as our foundation, suppression cannot destroy or stop the progress of socialism”. 

He also said that, “The Singapore Left must seek social change through peaceful constitutional means. Only when the majority of our people wants socialism can socialism be realised. And only then will the attacks of the reactionary forces be futile. Hence, the reactionaries will increasingly rely on un-democratic and fascist means to strengthen their rule… It is obvious that because socialist forces are advancing through constitutional means that the reactionaries of the Federation had no choice but to attack democracy”.

In his 1963 New Year’s speech, he further pointed out that, “if the Federation of Malaya insists on stepping up police terror against the people, it would be this country’s political turning point. The Left must respond resolutely.”

The above was Lim’s perspective on peaceful constitutional struggle for Singapore. It is the iron proof of his understanding of the dialectical dynamism of peaceful constitutional struggle, and his realisation of its purpose and significance in the democratisation of Singapore and Malaya.  History has shown that, the distortion of Lim’s advocacy for the line of peaceful constitutional struggle as “ the line of right opportunism by certain  “left” opportunists within the Malayan Left, for their selfish and personal agendas have irrevocably undermined the national democratic struggles of Malaya (including Singapore). Even though over half a century has passed, there is a need to properly evaluate this unfortunate turn of event.

2、Lee Siew Choh and his colleagues accused Lim Chin Siong as “Right opportunist”, “Parliamentary cretinism”

Over time, various historical material that deals with the internal disagreement, divisions and debates about the political struggle line of the anti-colonial movement of the 1960s have emerged. Those who knew about these dynamics or who were part of it are not hesitant to discuss it today. One of the key leaders of Barisan Socialis Singapura, Chair of the Tampines Branch , Poh Ber Liak, has revealed much of the internal disputes, which has helped us understand the context within which the split within the Barisan Socialis Singapura had taken place. Below is a brief explanation.

(1)Lee Siew Choh advocated for the boycott of National Service (Military Draft) Registration in 1964
Before the September 1963 Singapore Legislative Assembly Election, Lee Siew Choh was very confident that he would win the election. He was extremely frustrated when he lost. That November, he attended a rally organised by the Malaya Labour Party in Johore Bahru (Malaysia) and called for a boycott against national service enforced by the Malaysian government. This was a preamble of his advocacy of the same in Barisan Socialis Singapura.

In January 1964, the Central Committee of Barisan Socialis Singapura called for a joint meeting of its members and Legislative Assembly members who were not imprisoned. It was to discuss the party’s position and policies on National Service. It was attended by ten members namely, Lee Siew Choh, Low Por Tuck, Koo Young, Chia Thye Poh, Ong Lian Teng, Tan Cheng Tong, Lim Huan Boon, Poh Ber Liak, Kow Kee Seng and Chio Cheng Thun. After much discussion, Lee had insisted on boycotting the National Service Registration Decree, but his motion was only supported by Koo Young and eight voted against it. Among those who opposed, some of them advocated for registration under protest and others opted for ‘principled registration’.

(2) Lim Chin Siong opposed Lee Siew Choh’s advocacy and was accused by the latter as  ‘Right opportunist’, and ‘against the Party’s principle and position’

February 1964, Lim Chin Siong wrote to the Central Committee of Barisan Socialis Singapura from prison, expressing his position on the matter:
After the 2nd February 1963 Incident and the General Strike of 8th October, the mass movement in Singapore has entered a lull. Therefore, it is not the right time to adopt any high-profile struggles but to sustain low-intensity struggles instead.
We should opt for registration under protest because our relationship with the masses is like the ‘fish and water’; without water, the fish cannot survive. Without the support of the masses, we cannot carry out any form of struggles. Until the masses are ready and demand protests, it is futile to carry out high-profile struggles.
Not engaging in high-profile struggle now does not mean there is no opportunity to do so in the future. The unjust laws of our enemy are many, we have much to struggle against later.

However, Lee Siew Choh criticised Lim as pessimistic and defeatist. In his opinion, political movement should always be on the rise and never on the ‘low’. The socialist movement of many countries began only with a few people but in Singapore, there were tens and thousands of us. Does this look like a movement in its ebb? Lee questioned and labelled Lim as a right opportunist and a coward. He said Lim was fearful, was giving in to the power-that-be, it was capitulation, and henceforth, went against the party’s position and principles. When Lee’s call for the boycott was rejected by the party’s extraordinary meeting on 29th April 1964, Lee Siew Choh and seven others resigned and left the party on 4th May.

 (3) On 7th March 1965, Lee Siew Choh returned to the party as a victor and advocated for “Revolutionary Struggle Line”, targeting the so-called “right opportunists”) and openly opposed Lim Chin Siong and his line of struggle

When Singapore was ejected from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Lee Siew Choh and his colleagues’ criticism of Lim Chin Siong and his line of struggle became increasingly apparent.

On the separation of Singapore from Malaysia

On 8th March 1965, 30 leftwing trade unions gathered to celebrate the International Women’s Day, the Singapore Trade Unions Liaison Secretariat (STULS) published a policy statement entitled “Resolve Malaysia, Secede from Malaysia” in the special publication for the celebration. It discusses about the correct path that the people of Singapore should be following. On the same day, the Serangoon Gardens Branch of Barisan Socialis Singapura also published an article entitled, “Singapore – where should it go from here?”. This article held similar position on the matter with trade unions. It was rumored that Lim Chin Siong might have authored the article. However, this article is unavailable today. It is probable that the special issue of the party bulletin published by the Serangoon Gardens Branch were all destroyed. After Lee Siew Chou rejoined Barisan Socialis Singapura on 7th March, he would not tolerate such dissenting views.

On 9th August 1965, the Lee Kuan yew-led Singapore was forced to leave the Federation of Malaysia. Lee Siew Choh was attending the Anti-Atomic Bomb Peace Assembly in Japan on that day when the news broke. He telephoned Koo Young and Chia Thye Poh to instruct them to declare Singapore’s independence as phoney; that Barisan Socialis Singapura would not recognise Singapore’s independence.  On the same day, Singapore’s 30 Left-wing Trade Unions led by the Singapore Commercial House and Factory Employees` union (SCHFEU)   issued a joint statement entitled, “Singapore left ‘Malaysia’: British Imperialist Rule frustrated and forced to deploy new deception” (see SCHFEU`s Bulletin, Issue No. 15, 15th August 1965). According to the statement:

This is an advancement of the people’s struggle against the formation of Malaysia. This signifies the joint failure and defeat of the Barisan National (BN) and PAP as puppet governments of the imperialists. It is particularly, the failure of neo-colonialism, and of British imperialism.
The declaration highlighted that “Independence and Autonomy” is the common will and hope of the people. It is also the aim of the left-wing trade union movement in its persistent struggle for democracy. It also affirmed the rights of the people of Singapore, politically, economically, and militarily and so on… That the aim of our struggle is the genuine unification of Malaya and Singapore.

When the 30 left-wing trade unions took up Lim Chin Siong’s line of struggle and issued the above-mentioned statement based on their assessment of the reality, Lee Siew Chou was quick to arbitrarily pin groundless/baseless accusations on trade unions leaders led by Tan Sin @Tan Seng Hin @Chen Xin as the “agents of the enemy”, “recognising phoney independence” and so on.

Lim Chin Siong in his partially published manuscript after his death, which contained a series of “Q & A” mentioned that, “…when Singapore declared independence from Malaysia, I wrote to the Chair of Barisan Socialis Singapura, Lee Siew Choh from prison. I urged him to reconsider his stand that Singapore’s independence is phoney. I urged him to recognise Singapore’s independence because it simply proves that PAP’s brand of ‘merger’ has failed and that he should instead ask PAP to immediately release all political detainees who had opposed PAP’s brand of merger (see “How did you feel when Singapore declared independence?).
On “Giving up Constitutional Struggle”

After Lee Siew Choh returned from Japan, from 16th August 1965 onwards, Barisan Socialis Singapura held a few meetings to discuss its position on Constitutional Struggle in the event of Singapore’s separation from Malaysia and subsequent declaration of independence by the PAP.  Lee Sew Chou insisted that:                                       
Parliamentary Democracy has died, Barisan Socialis must boycott the Parliament
Singapore’s independence is phoney and therefore, Barisan Socialis should not attend the Parliament
Barisan Socialis must order all its Members of Parliament to resign
Crush and dispel our fixation on Parliamentary Democracy (Cretinism) and organise street struggles

His position was met with strong opposition from the rank-and-file, as well as leaders of the party.  On 17th November of the same year, an incident took place among the Twelve (12) Branches of the party, which epitomises the collective position of the party’s rank-and-file on Lee Siew Choh’s radical line of struggle.

In October 1965, Lim Chin Siong once again wrote to the Central Committee and Parliamentary members of Barisan Socialis Singapura from prison, to express his opposition to the party’s abandonment of Constitutional Struggle. The main thrust of his intervention was:

Barisan Socialis is a constitutional political party and therefore, it can only work within constitutional means and abide by the constitution. To simply choose street battles over constitutional struggle because parliamentary democracy is dead goes against the purpose and spirit of the party. Otherwise, the existence of Barisan Socialis Singapura would no longer be meaningful.

However, the incarcerated Lim Chin Siong failed to dissuade the party from taking its radical path. On 8th October 1966, five Legislative members of Barisan Socialis Singapura, (Koo Young, Chia Thye Poh, Ong Lian Teng, Tan Cheng Tong and Poh Ber Liak), walked out of the Parliament as ordered by Lee Siew Choh. They then protested outside the Parliament House by unfurling a black banner which said, “Parliamentary Democracy is Dead”.  From then on, Barisan Socialis Singapura completely abandoned Lim Chin Siong and his line of struggle. Under the radical line and adventurist leadership of Lee Siew Choh, the party quickly alienated itself from the masses and basically, self-destructed. Not only that, many leaders and cadres of the left-wing trade unions and organisations gave up their struggle, either on behest of or forced by the leadership, which made it easy for Lee Kuan Yew to destroy these organisations and quickened the eventual collapse of Singapore’s anti-colonial power.

However, the left-wing cadres in and outside of the party, as well as the masses, identified with and supported Lim Chin Siong. In his speech to the cadres of Barisan Socialis Singapura, upon the announcement of the outcome of the National Referendum on 2nd September 1962, Lim had pointed to the future direction and struggle line of the party and presented his policy and actions on 11th October of the same year, at the party’s first General Assembly( Party Congress). However, his effort was completely undermined by Lee Siew Choh. In fact, Lee was so pleased with himself that he included in his Political Report for the Second (1967) and Third (1969) Party Congress, how he had successfully overthrown Lim’s policy and struggle line.

When Lee and seven others resigned from Barisan Socialis Singapura, the then representatives of the CPM in Singapore affirmed their support for Lee’s opposition to and boycott of national service. They even insisted that the party must apologise to Lee Siew Choh, and affirm that Lee was a talented leader, that the party could not do without him, and that the party should win him back…and so on. This development revealed and facilitated Lee Siew Choh’s hidden agenda. On hindsight, this move by the CPM had dealt a devastating blow on Lim Chin Siong.

5, Lim Chin Siong is deservedly an extraordinary leader of the workers’ movements and national democratic movements of Singapore, peninsula Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak

After Singapore’s separation from Malaysia, Lee Kuan Yew and his cronies intensified their persecution of Lim Chin Siong

The British colonial government,Lee Kuan Yew and his cronies,Tunku Abdul Rahman and his cronies, all tried their utmost to stop and thwart anti-colonial struggles that opposed the fake merger of Malaysia and Singapore. Using the so-called armed uprising of the Brunei people as an excuse, Lee Kuan Yew conducted mass arrests codenamed, “Operation Cold Store” on 2nd February 1963 in Singapore. More than 100 anti-colonial leaders and cadres including, Lim Chin Siong were detained overnight. Their ‘crime’ was the betrayal of Constitutional rule. They were imprisoned under the Internal Security Act (ISA) which gave the government full authority to incarcerate the opposition without trial and indefinitely. Many of the political prisoners were brutally tortured.

On 9th August 1965, Singapore declared independence from Malaysia and this proves that Lim Chin Siong and his colleagues were right to oppose the ‘fake merger’ and the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. And that Lee Kuan Yew’s advocacy to merge with the Federation of Malaysia was a mistake. In the eyes of the oppressed masses, Lim Chin Siong and his colleagues who were detained and persecuted were the true patriots of Singapore.

Upon Singapore’s separation from Malaysia and its declaration of independence, the continued incarceration of its opposition, including Lim Chin Siong was a very heavy political burden for Lee Kuan Yew. He had to intensify his persecution of the political detainees to force them to capitulate and then destroy them. He was particularly harsh on Chin Siong. As a result, Chin Siong suffered from acute depression and high blood pressure in prison and was exhibiting certain unusual behaviour. The medication given by the prison doctor had only worsened his condition. By December of 1965, the newspaper reported that Chin Siong had to be transferred to the General Hospital and that he had tried to kill himself there. There were concerns about his safety and anger erupted against Lee Kuan Yew for his under-handedness. On 8th December, Singapore’s 30 left-wing trade unions issued a joint statement charging Lee Kuan Yew for plotting the destruction of the left-wing movement by attacking left-wing cadres and leaders. They cited PAP’s maltreatment and near-murder of Lim Chin Siong as an example.

On 23rd July 1969, Lim Chin Siong personally handed a letter, dated 21st July to the prison warden, addressed to Lee Siew Choh. In it, he announced his loss of confidence in the struggle and his decision to give up politics. He also wrote to Lee Kuan Yew to express the same. Subsequently, he left Singapore for London, in the company of a psychiatrist and an officer from the Internal Security/ Criminal Investigation Department (ISD/CID). This was the beginning of his decade-long exile in London. His life was very difficult there. He was only allowed to return to Singapore in 1979. It is not surprising that sending Chin Siong away was Lee Kuan Yew’s fail-safe measure, his last resort against any possible or remaining threat to his political power. By then, Chin Siong had totally collapsed mentally, having gone through immense physical and mental torture during his imprisonment.

Barisan Socilais Singapura under the leadership of Lee Siew Choh also tried to exterminate the political influence of Lim Chin Siong

Unfortunately, Lee Kuan Yew’s persecution of Lim Chin Siong to totally destroy his political life was aggravated by Lee Siew Chou’s attempt to promote his ‘revolutionary struggle line’ as the leader of Barisan Socialis Singapura. The latter criticised and discredited Chin Siong and his line of struggle. Lee Siew Choh labelled his opponents’ struggle as  right opportunism line of struggle) and Parliamentary cretinism. His aim was to eliminate Chin Siong’s political influence and his authority as the leader of the anti-colonial movement. It is not difficult to fathom that for Chin Siong, such attacks from within the movement was no less devastating and painful than the blows dealt by his enemies from outside the movement.

The line of struggle that Lim Chin Siong represented was developed by the workers’ and the national democratic movement of Singapore when The Malayan Emergency ended. It is a political struggle line within the context of modern constitution, a struggle line that defends people’s rights and interests. It relies on the masses and believes in the masses. That is why the Singapore labour movement and national democratic movement were so vibrant and successful from 1950s to 1960s. Unfortunately, this effective line of struggle was undermined and later, eliminated by the revolutionary route led by Lee Siew Chou and his colleagues from 1966 onwards.

By the end of 1969, the foundation of Singapore’s powerful mass organisations led by Lim Chin Siong and his contemporaries had almost completely disappeared. Such a scenario that pained the supporters of Lim’s political struggle line but welcomed by its enemies, did aggrieve, pain and frustrate all those who had followed Chin Siong. They also felt utterly powerless and helpless. Lim Chin Siong by this time, had already descended into serious depression. He was so utterly demoralised, not only as a result of the psychological and physical torture he had endured during his detention but also from the devastating blows dealt by his party comrades. It is of no surprise that his health deteriorated.

Conclusion: Lim Chin Siong was an extraordinary leader that emerged from the labour movement and the national democratic movement

He became involved in the workers’ movement at the age of twenty in 1953 and was active in the political scene from the following year onwards. He was overwhelmingly voted in as a PAP candidate for the Bukit Timah Constituency in the 1955 Legislative Assembly Election. He was detained the following year by the Lim Yew Hock government and once more in 1963 by Lee Kuan Yew. Even though he was in prison, he continued to monitor, and involve himself in the political developments of Singapore. When Barisan Socialis Singapura began to veer towards left adventurism from 1964 onwards, he had tried his best to stop it. In other words, he tried to prevent the leadership of Barsan Socialis Singapura from alienating itself from the masses and towards its self-destruction. His persisted until his eventual melt-down. Before he passed away, he wrote about his understanding and assessment of the historical problems faced by Malaysia and Singapore in the early years of independence, as well as his reflection and conclusion of the various important struggles and incidents that he had experienced. It was meant to be his memoir which he could leave behind for those who came after him. This proves that even until his last breath, he was still concerned and hopeful about the national democratic movement of Malaysia and Singapore.

In his memoir, he revealed all the intrigues, plots, machinations and manipulations of the enemy at various stages of the democratic struggle. He was also critical of the mass organisations. All these demonstrate his serious and sincere attitude, his courage to face the judgment of our history and to personally take responsibility for his actions and decisions. More than twenty years ago, Chin Siong has already set an example for us by critically reflecting on the past, and to assess what we had done right and wrong. We should learn from him.

Looking at Lim Chin Siong’s life-long contribution and sacrifice for the national democratic struggles of Malaysia and Singapore, even if his decision to go to Britain was ‘voluntary’, it was only a tiny flaw in the grand scheme of things. His exile did not diminish his stature and credibility; he is still the undisputable leader of the labour and national democratic movements of Malaya (including Singapore) until today. He is our hero; a true pioneer of our nation-building. He had sacrificed his entire life to the labour movement and the national democratic movement of Malaya (including Singapore).

6,  My wish on the 20th Anniversary of Lim Chin Siong’s passing

Reality has proven that the revolutionary struggle line undertaken by Barisan Socialis Singapura as propagated by Lee Siew Choh had utterly failed. Half a century has passed since the attack against Chin Siong’s advocacy for constitutional struggle line as right opportunism. Unfortunately, he has left us before he could be vindicated. Two decades have passed and the injustice he has endured is yet to be put right. Among those who had misjudged him, some had already passed away, but some of them are still alive. Most of them are now in their 70s. In commemorating Chin Siong, I implore those who were at the forefront (especially the leaders) of those attacks, to apologise to Chin Siong and give him the justice he so deserves.

As our leader, his memoir is the ideological wealth he has left behind for the people. People of all walks of life and across all classes want to learn from him, especially those who had personally worked with him in the struggle, we are anxious to learn more about his assessment and summation of his experiences.

In early 2013, we learnt that Chin Siong had completed his memoir and had already got his friend to help prepare for its printing before he died. However, it is yet to be published. In July 2014, Lim Chin Joo (Lim Chin Siong’s younger brother) published his memoir (in Chinese) entitled, “My Youth in Black and White”(我的黑白青春). He has included in his appendix, sections of Chin Siong’s memoir entitled, “Lim Chin Siong Q & A”.

Many of us who have read it believe that Chin Siong’s intention of writing his memoir was to conclude his invaluable experiences and the lessons learnt from the many struggles he had led. In other words, his memoir is a priceless historical account that he wished to leave behind for his people. Many people are waiting to read the rest of his unpublished manuscript, which will shed light on the many issues that confronted us and the movements he led at that time. Some of what he said may even be very sensitive, hardly known or understood. Those of us who have worked with Chin Siong and have followed his line of struggle do hope to read his entire manuscript before we die. Thus, in commemorating him, we also hope to read his entire manuscript soon.

Written in January and edited in February 2016
Published on 15th March 2016 by SAHABAT RAKYAT
   Translated in October 2017 by Agnes Khoo

[Related articles]

1. The Best Way to Commemorate Lim Chin Siong Is To Propagate His Ideology and Ideal - In commemoration of the 20th anniversary of Lim Chin Siong's Departure (5 February 2016) (Updated on 22 Feb)

2. Part of Lim Chin Siong’s Q&A Posthumous Manuscript

Note on the translator

Agnes Khoo was born in 1965’s Singapore and completed her Bachelor Degree in Social Work and Sociology at the National University of Singapore in 1987, the year the Singapore government arrested 21 Church and Social Workers under the Internal Security Act (ISA), on the pretext of a ‘Marxist Conspiracy’, the government had made-up. Agnes’ father, Khoo Suan Wan was detained under the same law in 1965, as a paid secretary of the Singapore Marine Products Workers` Unions. He was arrested together with twelves others, at the eve of the Commemoration of May 1st, International Labour Day, organized by the left wing trade unions .

According to Agnes, her father suffered severe psychological torture during his detention and eventually, had a total breakdown after his release from prison. Her father’ s experience and that of several of her friends who were arrested in 1987 convinced her that to remain in Singapore’s rat-race and be part of the elite in Singapore’s society is not a solution. She subsequently left for further studies in the Netherlands and did her Master’s degree at the International Institute of Social Studies. Her thesis compared Asia’s Four Dragons: South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, in terms of their economic development vis-à-vis democratisation. She then went on to work in various NGOs in Europe and Asia before embarking upon her PhD. Studies at the University of Manchester, U.K. Her doctoral thesis was about the role of women’s movements in the democratisation of South Korea and Taiwan after 1987.

While pursuing her PhD., Agnes published in both English and Chinese, “Life as the River Flows – Women in the Malayan anti-colonial struggle” (2004), an oral history book by former women guerillas led by the Communist Party of Malaya. This was followed by a Taiwanese edition in 2006, a Malay language edition in 2009, and an Indonesian edition in 2011.

Agnes now lives in Ghana, West Africa; teaching International Relations at Webster University and running a chicken farm with her Ghanaian husband in his home village, as a community-based, social enterprise to provide education, training and employment for women and youth.

Monday, 11 December 2017



作者 / 来源:朱长生 / 中国《察网》


  • 一是控制大学和媒体,推行普世价值等新自由主义理论,动摇目标国家政权的合法性。 
  • 二是在目标国家的上层建筑中寻找、扶植代理人。这些代理人具有较强号召力,接受境外资金资助,为境外垄断资本利益服务。
  • 三是在时机成熟时,以追求“民主、自由”的名义,出资支持代理人,发动街头政治运动,推翻、颠覆原有国家政权。





















【本文原载于微信公众号“华语智库”, 作者: 朱长生,中国华语智库高级研究员、中国国务院发展研究中心欧亚所研究员】

Friday, 8 December 2017



作者/来源:宋鲁郑 (复旦大学中国研究院研究员) /BBC




























中共初与世界政党高层对话: 被忽视的中联部正走向前台


作者 / 来源:吴时飞 / 《多维新闻》“观察台”专栏










在过去三四十年间,无论是从在中外的知名度,发挥作用,还是官员级别上来看,中联部都是存在感最低的一个。甚至不少政情分析人士都习惯性地称“中共三大部”,几乎忽略了中联部。在维基百科的介绍里,关于中联部只有寥寥数语,仅给出机构设置和历任部长名单,与另外“三大部”的长篇幅描述形成鲜明对比。 分析原因,主要有两方面因素。

  • 其一,中共外交系统有中共中央外事工作领导小组办公室(简称中央外办)、中联部、外交部三驾马车。三驾马车虽然职能不同,但仍有相当部分轨道重叠,中联部的外交作用在一定程度上被外交部“替代”,因此其地位相对“弱化”。 
  • 其二,中联部不仅仅是外交部门,其工作重点是直接与世界政党高层打交道,与中国国家安全委员会有部分重合。如2003年1月10日,朝鲜公开宣布退出《不扩散核武器条约》,当年5月,时任中联部部长的戴秉国就被紧急调往外交部,挂帅斡旋“朝鲜核危机”,在任职期间,戴秉国一直扮演着类似“国家安全顾问”的角色。工作性质涉密也是中联部刻意保持低调的一个原因。

如今:动作接二连三 迎来重大契机

中联部第一次引起外界关注是在中共十九大闭幕之后,中联部部长宋涛先后赴越南、老挝、朝鲜通报十九大情况。有媒体注意到,中共在十七大之后派出的是时任中宣部部长刘云山,在十八大之后派出的是时任中国人大常委会副委员长李建国。 在全国代表大会之后派出特使向同类政党通报有关情况一直是社会主义国家的政治传统,但此类党际交流的任务本应该是中联部的份内职责,因此这次宋涛出使算是一种职责的回归,也意味着中联部开始重新受到中共高层领导人的重视。此外,刘云山和李建国在当时都是政治局委员,而宋涛只是中央委员。分析人士认为,中共没有理由给通报十九大情况的特使“降档”,因此这种安排不排除是在给中联部“升级”的可能。 如果说宋涛出访只是中联部角色吃重的一个“迹象”,此番举办全球政党大会则预示着中联部将迎来重大契机,今后或许会发挥更重大的作用,成为名副其实的中共中央“四大部”之一。





Monday, 4 December 2017

新加坡勾结印度的目的 是为了继续对付中国


作者 / 来源:商丘羊 / 南洋大学校友业余网站
















黄永宏为了证明新加坡是真正的支持印度,11月28日特意登上印度自制的轻型战斗机 LCA,印称 tejas(光辉),黄永宏乘坐后称赞该机“飞行稳定”,性质良好,并说自己是冒着生命危险登机。他以性命担保印度制造的战斗机性质良好,是彻底投向印度的表现。






Friday, 24 November 2017

中国的两面三刀指责 和新加坡的处境


作者 /来源: 商丘羊 /南洋大学校友业余网站



李显龙在那段日子利令智昏,忘记了两面得利的风光日子。当2013年一带一路提出后,他出于对 TPP 和重返亚洲的焦急求成,以至于做出伤害中国核心利益的蠢事。新加坡原本奉行的是“军事美国,经济中国”政策,这个李光耀定下的政策,在中国还没有提出一带一路计划之前,给新加坡带来两面讨好的利益,但是在一带一路进入实践阶段,尤其是几个新港口的出现和建设,如瓜达尔港、马德港、皇京港、关丹港、汉班托塔港……,新加坡感觉在经济上的优势受到威胁,因此对一带一路极为反感,态度冷淡,这就是李显龙为何不出席北京一带一路高峰论坛的缘故。


李显龙秉承李光耀遗志,想要在“军事美国,经济中国”的基础上促成美国的重返亚洲和 TPP,以抑制中国崛起,完成李光耀的心愿。然而他却因为判断错误而使自己陷入窘境,重返亚洲和 TPP 是李光耀向民主党政府的献议,从克灵顿执政时期已经进行,奥巴马上台,依旧是民主党执政,这让李显龙产生错误的幻觉,认为奥巴马必定坚决执行。在李光耀死后,恰好出现南海仲裁案,李显龙如获至宝,于是与美国、日本、菲律宾大演三簧,他汲汲于奔赴美国与日本,表示大力支持以强硬态度对付中国。在美期间,因受奥巴马邀请在白宫进餐,得意之余忘乎所以,两人互相吹捧,此时他彻底忘了还有一个“经济中国”。李显龙的另一个严重的幻觉是认定来届美国总统大选将又是民主党所得,所以他公然支持民主党候选人希拉里,为她站台。

特朗普突然间杀出,令李显龙十分震惊,这个尚未上台就声称取消 TPP 以及奥巴马的各种政策的总统,实属罕见。李显龙乱了阵脚,毫无把握抛出邀请,慌乱之中把他看成奥巴马。

特朗普终于否定了 TPP,对重返亚洲只字不提,叫李显龙不解的是美国军舰仍在南中国海出进,那么保护航行自由和飞行自由不是还在进行吗?李显龙不明白,美国舰队此刻仍在执行奥巴马时代拟定的海上计划,并非特朗普下达的命令。这几天,美国三艘航母已经散开,驶离西太平洋,东亚地区又显现出平静,特朗普的新亚洲政策仍然不见踪影。












美国退出 TPP,剩下11个群龙无首的国家,明确的宣布 TPP 死亡。各国的经济利益不同,想法各异,因此迟迟不能达成协议,其中最为焦急的是日本和新加坡,这两个国家都带着反对中国崛起的私愿,而新加坡更是要达到李光耀以美制中的遗志。越南 APEC 会议期间,11国磋商后达成协议,如何落实还不见踪影。首先是自居领导的日本并非一个胸怀宽广的国家,自闭保护是它一路来的特点,过去与美国为了牛肉与农产品纠缠了数十年,它绝对不会让别国得到利益。新加坡处于李光耀的政治和战略考虑,与日本有着共同利益,想要借此联手对付中国的一带一路、亚投行等计划,所以与日本仍为 TPP 呐喊。









 作者 / 来源:朱长生 (中国) / 微信公众号“华语智库”














颜色革命起源。颜色革命(Colour Revolution),又称“花朵革命”,因参与者通常采用一种特别的颜色或者花朵来作为他们的标志而得名,是21世纪初期发生在中亚、东欧独联体国家和中东北非地区的一系列以颜色命名、以和平和非暴力方式进行的政权变更运动。它有着明确政治诉求,背后一般都有外部势力插手,经过社会动员,往往导致持久的社会对立和动荡,给执政者形成强大压力。




美国政治理论家吉恩•夏普(Gene Sharp,上图)被称为“颜色革命教父”、“阿拉伯之春”的“精神导师”。他生于1928年,早年接受圣雄甘地“非暴力不合作”思想,视其为偶像。1983年,吉恩•夏普开始在哈佛大学主持非暴力抗争研究工作,并建立爱因斯坦研究所,在全球宣传采用非暴力的方式进行政治抗争。


1993年所著《从独裁到民主》(上图左下角)一书中,列举了198种非暴力推翻政权的具体方法,比如,如何对待普通居民,如何对付官员、分化瓦解执政党,如何操控媒体,如何组织非暴力集会和罢工等等。 “非暴力抗争就像白蚁蚕食树木,可以把政权的支柱力量蚕食掉。这种力量并不亚于一枚炸弹或是一杆枪。最终,整个支柱会轰然倒塌。”







通告 Notification

人民之友 对我国下届大选意见书
(华 巫 英)3种语文已先后贴出

作为坚守“独立自主”和“与民同在”的立场的一个民间组织,人民之友在今年9月24日对即将来临的第14届全国大选投票,发表了一篇以华文书写的“意见书”,题为:投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!

这篇意见书的英文译稿(标题是:Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”!)已于10月22日张贴在本部落格。马来文译稿(标题是:Undilah "calon yang membantah pengislaman negara": Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Mencegah puak Mahathir kembali kepada kuasa!)也已接着在11月13日在此贴出。



Pandangan Sahabat Rakyat terhadap PRU akan datang telah diterbitkan dalam tiga bahasa (Melayu, Cina dan Inggeris)

Sebagai sebuah pertubuhan masyarakat yang berpendirian teguh tentang prinsip "bebas dan berautonomi" dan “sentiasa berdampingan dengan rakyat jelata”, Sahabat Rakyat telah menerbitkan kenyataan tentang pandangan kami terhadap Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 yang bertajuk "Undilah calon yang menentang Pengislaman Negera: Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Jangan benarkan puak Mahathir kembali memerintah! " (投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!)dalam Bahasa Cina pada 24hb September 2017.

Penterjemahan Bahasa Inggeris kenyataan tersebut yang bertajuk Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”! telah diterbitkan dalam blog kita pada 22hb Oktober 2017 manakala penterjemahan Bahasa Melayu telah diterbitkan pada 13hb November 2017.

Selain daripada itu, Sahabat Rakyat juga akan menyebarkan kenyataan ini seluas mungkin kepada pertubuhan dan individu semua bangsa, strata, profesyen dan agama seluruh Negara melalui email, wechat, whatsApp dan pelbagai saluran lain. Kami amat mengalu-alukan pertubuhan dan individu yang berpendirian dan pandangan sama dengan kami untuk turut menyebarkan kenyataan ini kepada lebih ramai orang!

Kami berharap pendirian dan pandangan kami berkenaan pilihan raya kali ini yang dinyatakan dalam kenyataan tersebut dapat disebarkan dengan tepat dan meluas untuk diuji dalam kalangan rakyat semua bangsa semua strata sosial melalui penglibatan mereka dalam amalan pelbagai parti politik dalam pertempuran pilihan raya umum kali ini mahupun amalan masa depan.

The Chinese, English and Malay renditions of Sahabat Rakyat’s opinions about next election have been published consecutively

As an NGO which upholds “independent and autonomous” position and "always be with the people" principle, on 24 September 2017, Sahabat Rakyat had released a Chinese-written statement of views with regard to the voting in the upcoming 14th General Election, entitled “Vote for candidates who are against State Islamisation: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent the return to power of Mahathir’s faction!” (投票支持"反对国家伊斯兰化的候选人": 反对巫统霸权统治!莫让马哈迪帮派"复辟"!)

The English rendition of this statement entitled "Vote for “candidates who are against State Islamisation”: Oppose UMNO hegemonic rule! Prevent “the return to power of Mahathir’s faction”!" and the Malay rendition entitled "Undilah "calon yang membantah pengislaman negara": Menentang pemerintahan hegemoni UMNO! Mencegah puak Mahathir kembali kepada kuasa!" had been released on 22 October and 13 November respectively.

Apart from that, Sahabat Rakyat will also make every effort to disseminate this statement as widely as possible to organizations and individuals of all ethnic groups, religions and all walks of life throughout the country via email, WeChat, WhatsApp and other channels. We welcome organizations and individuals with the same position and views to spread this statement to more people!

We hope that our position and views pertaining to the next General Election expressed in the statement will be accurately and widely disseminated and also examined by the popular masses of various ethnicity and social strata through their involvement in the struggle of the next General Election carried out by various political parties and their practices in all fields in future.

Malaysia Time (GMT+8)