Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.


Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

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人民之友恭祝各界2019新年进步、万事如意!在新的一年里,联合起来,坚持真正的民主改革! 丢掉幻想,阻止马哈迪主义复辟!

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2014年加影州议席补选诉求 / Tuntutan-tuntutan Pilihan Raya Kecil Kajang 2014

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新加坡“5•13学生运动” 有/没有马共领导的争论【之一】与【之二】

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马来西亚民主改革的新阶段 / The New Phase of Democratic Reform in Malaysia / Fasa Baru Reformasi Demokratik di Malaysia

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人民之友根据2017年9月24日发表的《人民之友 对我国第14届大选意见书 》的内容与精神以及半年来国内和国外的政治形势,对5月9日投票提出具体意见,供全国选民参考。



Saturday, 30 January 2016

Tribute to Lim Chin Siong —— A Funeral Oration of Dr Lim Hock Siew 20 Years Back

Tribute to Lim Chin Siong
— A Funeral Oration of Dr Lim Hock Siew 20 Years Back

Source:Comet in Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong in History (First Published in 2001)

"His ability to communicate with the common man, his ability to explain complex political issues in simple layman's language, his complete identification with the oppressed and downtrodden – these were the hallmarks of Chin Siong's political leadership – a leader whose ability, sincerity and dedication aroused the people to free themselves from colonial domination."
——Dr. Lim Hock Siew

The late Dr. Lim Hock Siew (1931-2012)
【Sahabat Rakyat Editor’s Note】This article is the oration of Dr. Lim Hock Siew, the speaker who last spoke at Lim Chin Siong’s cremation on 9 February 1996. The funeral was attended by about 200 people.

Dr Lim Hock Siew came into contact and got to know Lim Chin Siong since 1950s. Dr Lim was studying medicine in Malaya University, Singapore then. He was an active member of the University Socialist Club. Both of them were the prominent leaders of Barisan Sosialis when they were arrested and detained on 2 February 1963. Dr Lim Hock Siew was detained without trial for 19 years. He was released on 6 September 1982. He died of a heart attack on 4 June 2012 at the age of 81.

Appended article is originally published in Comet in Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong in History——

On the evening of 5 February this year (1996), a most humane and valiant heart stopped beating – Chin Siong left this mortal world!

Friends, comrades, before us lies the body of not an ordinary person. Chin Siong is a hero – a national hero – a legend in the glorious history of our people’s struggle for freedom and social justice.

We are here to honour, to cherish, indeed, to consolidate the noble spirit in which Chin Siong had lived his life.

Chin Siong attained a level of human consciousness that transcends all personal gains and greed, to serve his fellowmen, fully and wholeheartedly.

His was a consciousness that had no place for arrogance and conceit – only humility. His strength, his courage, arose only from his deep love and concern for the plight of his fellow human beings – a love that recognised no racial or cultural barriers.

Those who were poor, downtrodden, those who were oppressed, were his friends. Those who sought to deny our people their right to justice and dignity regarded Chin Siong as their enemy.

But the strength and nobility of Chin Siong’s character were self-evident to all those who had come to know him. He was an extremely kind, gentle and compassionate person. His actions were motivated purely by his love for his fellowmen, not by hatred against any particular person.

He had no personal enemies, only high principles and noble causes to which he dedicated his entire life.

He was a political leader who sought no personal gain or reward, and certainly not for pay. Nor was he tempted by privileges and trappings of high office, or deterred by deprivation of personal freedom.

As a trade union leader, he totally identified himself with the common worker whose cause he so fearlessly and uncompromisingly championed.

He led a most simple life, and very often, his bed was the wooden bench in the union headquarters at Middle Road.

To this day, many workers of his generation still fondly remember Chin Siong for what he had done for the workers in the 1950s and 1960s.

But it was a political leader that Chin Siong will be best remembered and respected.

No amount of distortion by his detractors can conceal the fact that Chin Siong was the most fearless and uncompromising fighter against British colonialism in Singapore.
The colonial authority had not relinquished its rule simply because some person or persons could reason with it in impeccable English.

Colonial authority respects only the strength of the people and it was during that crucial stage of our people’s anti-colonial struggle that Chin Siong played the pivotal role in rallying and mobilising our people to free themselves from the degradation and humiliation of colonial rule.

His ability to communicate with the common man, his ability to explain complex political issues in simple layman’s language, his complete identification with the oppressed and downtrodden – these were the hallmarks of Chin Siong’s political leadership – a leader whose ability, sincerity and dedication aroused the people to free themselves from colonial domination.

But Chin Siong did not struggle only for Singapore’s independence. His struggle had always been to attain Singapore’s independence in a truly united and democratic Malaya, including Singapore.

He strongly opposed the terms of Singapore’s merger with Malaysia because he was totally convinced that the unequal terms of merger for Singapore would lead to racial disharmony and division among our people. The outbreak of racial riots after the merger in 1963 and the subsequent expulsion of Singapore from Malaysia amply exonerated Chin Siong’s stand.

But to be proven right was insufficient to earn Chin Siong’s release from imprisonment. His continued incarceration took a severe toll on his health, and in 1967, he became seriously ill. It was during the acute stage of his illness that Chin Siong was exiled from Singapore and denied his rightful role in the political life of our country.

Chin Siong was expelled from Hwa Chung High School for his confrontation with the colonial authority over, among other things, the issue of military conscription. In those days, the colonial power did not regard our people as fit to be free but only fit to die to defend our own slavery.

Although denied a formal higher education, Chin Siong, in the course of his political struggle, had graduated from the highest institution of political education – the political prison. Those who knew him could not but be impressed by his intelligence and knowledge.

Friends, comrades, it has been rightly said that the life of a person who sacrifices himself for his fellowmen is as weighty as Mt Taishan, but the life of a person who lives only for himself is as light as a bird’s feather.

Chin Siong, you have been a Taishan in our midst!

Now, it’s time for you to take your well-earned rest!

Sleep well, my dear comrade, sleep well!!!

In Commemoration of The Late Lim Chin Siong: 10th Anniversary of His Departure (Updated on 3 Feb)

In Commemoration of The Late Lim Chin Siong:
10th Anniversary of His Departure

The English rendition of the article (originally in Chinese) released
by Sahabat Rakyat on 5 Feb 2006

Picture above - Scanned copy of the leaflet (in Chinese language) issued by Sahabat Rakyat on 5 February 2006 in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of Lim Chin Siong's departure. Sahabat Rakyat had not set up a blog then. The original text can be found in Malaysiakini.

【Sahabat Rakyat Editor’s Note】 This article (in Chinese language) was released by Sahabat Rakyat on 5 February 2006 in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of Lim Chin Siong’s departure (who departed on 5 February 1996), when Sahabat Rakyat was formed for nearly five years. While promoting democratic and human rights struggle, we wished to make use of this article to recall the sacrifice and contribution that Lim Chin Siong had made towards the national liberation and democratic revolution struggle in Malaya. We also wished to sincerely express our determination and aspiration to learn from this eminent leader. We just translated this article into English language, hoping to disseminate it to non-Chinese ethnic communities and non-Chinese educated groups.

At the end of July 2014, we received the softcopy of Part of Lim Chin Siong’s Q&A Posthumous Manuscript forwarded by a Singapore enthusiastic web user. (This is appended in My Youth in Black and White(我的黑白青春), published by Lim Chin Joo, the younger brother of Lim Chin Siong). We presently uploaded it to Sahabat Rakyat blog on 2 August, so that those who were involved in the anti-British colonial struggle during the 1950s and 1960s could share and ponder, and to serve as reading, reference and research material for the readers as well as scholars from various countries interested in exploring the true historical aspect of the independence struggle of the people in Singapore and Malaya.

5 February this year is the 20th anniversary of the departure of Lim Chin Siong, the eminent leader of national liberation and democratic struggle in Malaya. Lim Chin Siong endured relentless suppression and devastation by Lee Kuan Yew and the erroneous criticism and merciless blows by the left-wing aggressive leaders after the 2.2 Incident in 1963. He was then being exiled to London, UK by Lee Kuan Yew ruling clique in 1969.

We are of the view that, the best way to commemorate Lim Chin Siong, is to propagate Lim’s ideologies, ideals and lessons learnt, especially the reflection and summing-up he did at his old age (upon his return to Singapore in 1979) on those important historical incidents of anti-colonialisation struggle of the Malaya (including Singapore) people and his own experience on leading the anti-colonialisation struggle.

He died of a heart attack on 5 February 1996. Lim Chin Siong’s Q&A Posthumous Manuscript is the precious message he left about the national liberation and democratic revolution struggle of the Malaya and Singapore people that he knew and he had been through.

On 5 February this year, we will commemorate the 20th anniversary of the departure of Lim Chin Siong, with the best way that we thought of. Stay tuned.

Appended below is the full article that Sahabat Rakyat released ten years back in commemoration of the 10th anniversary of Lim Chin Siong’s departure –


Lim passed away on the same day 10 years ago.

Poet Zang Kejia in his poem Some and Others that pays tribute to Lu Xun, wrote that “Some live, when they are already dead; others have died, but are still alive.

Since then, the poem becomes a famous quotation by the people to remember the fore generation of great people who sacrificed for ideals, who stood with the people, and served the people sincerely despite difficulties.

Lim passed away on 5 February 1996. People still remember him, although it has been a decade since. Even though he is dead, he lives in the heart of people. He left inerasable prints in history in every step he had taken.

An editorial of Lianhe Zaobao then praised him as “a man with ideals who is prepared to struggle in realizing them. Such a man is hardly found, then and now.”

Even Lee Kwan Yew respects him as a person with high personality. In the eye of Lee, Lim is “determined to struggle and sacrifice in realizing his ideals, and is incorruptible by material gains or political glory”. Such personality is unmatched by many. Thus, he is respected by many, even his political adversaries.

Public servants should be frugal

He once said in an interview with Nanyang Siang Pau in 1955 that “being a public servant, one should refrain from leading a life of ease and comfort.” It should be a standard to be remembered and adhered to by all political and social workers.

Reexamining his life, he actually did it. He lived a frugal lifestyle despite being a member of the legislative assembly. He is a people’s leader who stood with the people, lived with them, bore with them on their problems and even slept on the meeting room table in the Middle Road office.

This leader served the people sincerely and selflessly. He devoted himself to the people in the prime of his life on his homeland he loved very much, disregarding gains and glories. What he left in history is a legacy of personality that serves as a role model to the later generations.

Lim Chin Siong’s sincere service to the people

Lim is remembered not of the office he held, but his sincere service to the people. Admire of the people to the selfless sacrifices of their great leader is always greater than the flattering of opportunists to the bigwigs. However powerful corrupt officials are, they are just some despicable ‘Yang Berhormat’. Although they are still alive, people long for their departures and great order.

People tend to forget about the politicians who ride roughshod and oppress them. Even if those politicians are remembered, they will go down in history as a byword for infamy.

Zang Kejia mentioned two kinds of people in his poem before. “Some ride on the backs of the people and cry: ‘How grand am I!’ Others silently bend to draw the people’s plough.

Contributions towards anti-imperialism and anti-colonialisation 
cannot be blotted out

Lim is a people’s leader who would lower his profile to serve the people sincerely. Thus, he is still remembered and respected until today. He is a great workers’ leader as well as an exceptional cadre of anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism, where he left an inerasable image in the people. He was not only the youngest legislative assemblyman in Singapore, but also the widely regarded as the most sincere political figure.

Yet, the cruel political struggle then could not tolerate nationalist democrat who can lead the people in anti-imperialism and anti-colonialization struggle to build a truly independent and self-determined nation. In realizing the people’s will to end the colonial rule of Malaya and Singapore, he was jailed twice. Continuous cruel political persecutions drove him to despair, to the extend of contemplating suicide. Yet, that does not deny his sacrifices and contributions to the people. The injustice befell him is part of the epic tragic encounters of the people of Malaya and Singapore in fighting for the nation’s independence, democracy and freedom.

Lim’s spirit will live forever

His spirit of serving the people sincerely will be forever remembered. People will always remember him, for he is still alive even though he is dead.

We wish to believe that his spirit will live forever, and will shine in the river of history. "There are green grasses wherever the spring breeze blows”, as long as the glorious side of human still exists, Lim’s great spirit will be immortal.

Monday, 25 January 2016

纪念林清祥的最好办法 就是宣扬他的思想理念


●《人民之友》工委会 ●







(一) 林清祥对宪制斗争的经历和总结可以作为新加坡和马来西亚各族人民在现阶段继续进行民主改革斗争的宝贵经验教训。


由《马来西亚历史的另一面》编辑委员会2002年杪编辑出版的《林清祥与他的时代》这一本书,就是这么介绍的:“林清祥,在(上个世纪)50年代中到60 年代初,是马新各族人民家喻户晓的名字。他的言行,牵动着每个人的政治神经。他是令政敌寝食难安、必予消灭的对象;他是千百万劳动工人、农民和中下层人们患难与共的朋友和领导者;他是各族进步知识份子推崇备至、景仰追随的人物之一。”林清祥就是这么一个不容任何人任意抹杀的新马人民的民族民主运动的杰出领袖。


(二) 林清祥首先无私无悔地奉献工人运动而后坚定不移地领导政治运动的光辉形象可以作为现阶段的民主革命者的一个学习榜样。

林清祥在1933年出生于新加坡直落阿逸街(Telok Ayer Street),在约3岁那年随父母搬迁到柔佛州的小笨珍(Pontian Kecil, Johor),在那里度过他的童年。他在培群小学读到三年级那年(即1942年)因日本占领马来亚3年8个月而辍学。1946年他重新投入复办的培群小学直到1948年完成他的小学教育课程。先是受到唯一叔叔(他父亲的弟弟)爱国思想的影响,而后耳闻目睹日本兵残暴行为的许多真实故事,林清祥在小学时期就有了早期模糊的政治与民族意识。

林清祥在小学毕业后,到它的父亲好友的洋土库里当跟班。在1949年中期回到新加坡,先是插班到公教中学一年级,后再转入著名的华侨中学就读二年级。林清祥在其遗稿中这样写道:“1949年、1950年是个历史性的年代,当时亚、非的反殖民主义运动席卷全球,1949年10月1日,中华人民共和国宣告诞生,学校里一片沸腾,大夥儿兴奋地谈着、唱着,热泪盈眶地迎接着人类新的历史的到来,身为被迫害与被鄙视最甚的华校生,身为还在殖民地桎梏下挣扎的奴隶,这种心情与表现是可以理解的。我是人,是个血气方刚,十七八岁的年轻人,经历过不少在正常环境下同龄人无须经历的事件,自然而然地,我投身到这历史的洪流中去。” 、“就在这样的时代背景下,1951年底我接近了抗英同盟的活动并在稍后成为其活动及小组领袖。回想起来我为自己能响应时代号召,毅然加入了抗英队伍而非亲英队伍感到自豪。总结而言:我当时的理想是为摆脱英国人统治,为实现一个独立、自由、民主的马来亚而奋斗。”






但是,李光耀为了实现他的政治图谋,不惜曝露其狰狞面目,在1963年2月2日开始(即新加坡9月大选半年多前)对左派人士和组织采取代号为“冷藏行动”(民间称之为“2•2事件”)的大逮捕、大镇压。包括林清祥在内的24名候选人与近100名社阵干部和左派团体领袖被逮捕关押。李光耀采取这项大逮捕、大镇压的目的显然是(i) 保证人民行动党1963年大选必胜的结果,继续掌握新加坡政权;(ii)逼迫或诱使社阵和左派团体领袖和支持者采取过激行动而脱离群众、自我毁灭。林清祥在1962年9月“全民投票”之后提出的“只要和平宪制斗争的条件还存在,我们就必须坚持和平宪制的斗争”的重要方针,在他长期身陷囹圄而由李绍祖全面掌控社阵之后,已被李绍祖强硬推行的“杯葛国会,展开议会外群众斗争”的极左路线所取代。难怪李光耀在其回忆录中说,社阵在李绍祖领导下把宪制舞台让给了人民行动党,而使人民行动党在这之后的几十年内在国会未受到挑战,尽占支配地位。这无疑是新马人民的民族民主运动的一个惨痛的历史教训,应该引以为鉴!

林清祥遭遇李光耀和人民行动党统治集团的残酷迫害和摧残,遭遇左派冒进领导的错误批判和无情打击,以及遭遇流放英国伦敦长达10年的痛苦生活之后,还不忘在他的晚年对他所认识、所经历的新马人民的民族民主革命斗争,做出他的个人的总结和认真的交代,提供后人参考。 林清祥为新马人民的民族民主革命做出自己的努力和贡献,并且不为金钱利益和个人前途而接受统治集团“招安”和“收编”的光辉形象,可以作为后来人的一个学习的榜样。

(三) 《林清祥<答问>遗稿片段》所述史实和珍贵留言可以作为对抗新加坡、马来西亚统治集团各自鼓吹的“白衣人建国”、“巫统人建国”史观,从而消除民族隔阂、促进民族团结的一种思想武器。

在已发表的《林清祥<答问>遗稿片段》一文的最后一节,我们看到林清祥援引了1955年率领新加坡代表团(成员包括李光耀和林清祥)到英国伦敦进行宪制谈判的马绍尔在其撰写的《建国斗争1945—1959》一文所说” 1945年12月,一个由讲英语者组成、称为马来亚民主同盟的政党在新加坡成立,它虽与马共合作并成为盟友,尽管如此,基本上它是民主的,真诚努力要为马 来亚取得独立,尽管之后有一些过激行动,但它在争取逐步独立的计划中表现温和、有理与具责任感。该党一些主要领导人一一约翰•伊峇、林建才、何亚廉及林丰美,他们的功绩几被抹杀,是他们身负重担来唤醒我们的。”而对他(林清祥)本身所认识、所经历的史实做出如下判断:“可以说,“没有马来亚民主同盟,就没有后来的人民行动党”。可是李光耀于1959年取得政权后,却彻底放弃建党宣言,脱离马来亚反殖民主义运动的主流,转而联合英殖民统治者及马来亚联合邦的右翼分子,扑灭所有曾经为他打江山的同僚,以及所有真正反帝、反殖民政府的爱国人士。”



除了强调遵循和平宪制斗争的途径之外,林清祥还在其遗稿中着重提起英殖民政府在马来亚颁布和实施“紧急法令”之前,马来亚各族(主要是华、巫、印三大民族)人民在泛马行动委员会(All-Malayan Council of Joint Action,简称AMCJA)与人民力量中心(Pusat Tenaga Ra`ayat,简称PUTERA)联合组成的AMCJA—PUTERA阵线的领导下,向英殖民政府提呈《马来亚人民新宪章草案》,共同反对旨在确立马来人的特权、限制华人和印度人的公民权以及新加坡保留为英政府殖民地的《马来亚联合邦宪法》的重要史实。林清祥在其遗稿中高度评价1947年10月20日的全马总罢市(Hartal)斗争,他这么说,“在五百万人民团结下,10月20日伟大的总罢业斗争展开了,从北马到南马,从城市到村庄,工人到学生,小贩到商业行,全马各族人民一致团结起来,成功地以罢业、罢工、罢学、罢市的实际行动坚决表示了他们欲争取一个独立、统一、和平、民主的马来亚的决心。这一次的行动深具历史意义,它表明了:

上述林清祥所强调指出的“没有马来亚民主同盟,就没有后来的人民行动党” 以及在”马来西亚”强行拼凑以前马来亚(包括新加坡)人民想要争取一个独立、统一、和平、民主的马来亚的史实的珍贵留言及其内涵,难道不是对抗新加坡李光耀和李显龙为代表的人民行动党统治集团所鼓吹的“白衣人建国”以及对抗马来西亚巫统种族主义统治集团所鼓吹的“巫统人建国”的欺骗宣传,从而消除民族隔阂、促进民族团结的最有力的思想武器吗?


我们认为,林清祥在遗稿中的留言,是他给新马人民留下他在上个世纪50年代到60 年代马来亚民族民主运动主要在宪制斗争方面的经验总结。这是一项他在遭遇李光耀和人民行动党统治集团长期关押和迫害摧残,又再遭遇左派冒进领导的错误批判和无情打击,以及遭遇流放英国伦敦长达10年的痛苦生活之后,回到新加坡度其晚年,在1992年7月(这是新加坡广播电台邀约林清祥与该台的时事组作系列访谈而他再三考虑后加以婉拒的时期)之后而在1996年2月5日逝世之前写下的心血结晶。换句话说,这是一份最准确反映林清祥对他所处的那个年代新马人民民族民主革命斗争的思想文献。

《林清祥<答问>遗稿片段》作为林清如(林清祥之弟)在2014年7月出版的《我的黑白青春》一书的附录文章发表之后,我们便趁着新加坡人民行动党大肆宣传以“白衣人建国”“李光耀是国父”为主题思想的“新加坡建国50周年”(SG50)筹备工作的重要时刻,在第一时间内把《林清祥<答问>遗稿片段》上载到《人民之友》部落格,并附上“按语”说明我们这么做“可以说是遵从一群受尽当权者压迫排挤的新加坡“建国一代”的意愿和委托,对新加坡纪念建国49周年, 献出这份特殊的礼物,让新加坡人在这特殊的日子里,细心玩味、深刻思考林清祥在文末所说“没有马来亚民主同盟,就没有后来的人民行动党”这句话所蕴含或引 申的个中道理。” 非常遗憾的是,人们的注意力被引到手稿的版权课题上,不去讨论林清祥在手稿有些什么珍贵留言,不去思索为什么林清祥苦心留下的遗稿迟到他逝世近19年之后才发表。


Wednesday, 20 January 2016

《东方网》专栏评论: 拉萨神话与巫统史观


作者/来源:黄金城 / 《东方日报》高峰论坛专栏





因此,论“拉萨遗產”的续任者,马哈迪远比拉萨长子、当今首相纳吉更像是拉萨传人。在上週举行的拉萨纪念研討会上,许多党国元老及拉萨旧部,除了感念前人的励精图治、大公无私,也暗批“少主”不若老东家之自奉甚俭,勤政为民。前国际贸工部长拉菲达甚至说:“如果拉萨见到当前乱象,也会从墓中愤起”。 马哈迪也写了一小段感念恩师拉萨的文章,坦言“若无拉萨,当无老马”,但闭口不提拉萨之子纳吉。










Monday, 18 January 2016

林福寿医生20年前悼词: 向林清祥敬礼

向 林 清 祥 敬 礼



[《人民之友》编者按语] 本文是林福寿医生在1996年2月9日林清祥葬礼上,作为最后一名致辞人的演讲词。约有200多人出席了当天的火葬礼。



















Sunday, 17 January 2016

人民之友10年前旧文重贴:向清祥学习 ——悼念林清祥逝世10周年(2006年2月5日)

向 林 清 祥 学 习



















人民无法忘记林清祥,不是因为他是高官显要,而是因为他真诚地为人民服务。投机者对高官显要的阿谀奉承,永远比不上人民对伟大领袖无私奉献的衷心拥护。贪官污吏就算权势再大,也不过只是“尊贵的”(Yang Berhormat)小人,鄙劣的“高官”。他们就算活着,人们也恨不得他们早点离开人间,好让天下太平。









Saturday, 9 January 2016



作者 / 来源:乔良 (中国战略家) / 环球网




通过国际合作推动全球治理一直被人寄予厚望。随着包括联合国在内的各类国际组织在国际事务中发挥更大作用,很长一段时间以来好像全球治理日盛,地缘政治变得 过时。但现在我们看到,美国在全世界到处制造地缘动荡,它从未放松过“地缘政治”这根缰绳,而是始终把全球地缘关节点牢牢攥在手里不放。同样,俄罗斯从收回克里米亚到现在入叙利亚打IS,也是为了争夺对地缘关节点的控制。这类事件仿佛提醒人们,断言全球治理时代到来,地缘政治过时可能为时尚早。











既然根本不在一个层级,别国还怎么跟美国抗衡呢?笔者认为,一时一地之得失该争还是要争,但那绝非主要方面。要想有效制衡美国,其他国家在制定战略时就须更多考虑如何截断资本回流美国的路径或方式,只有这样才能掐住它的命脉。2001年“9•11”事件为何重创美国?除了政治和心理层面的冲击,更关键的是它 在一个月内就让3,000多亿美元资本逃离美国。


美国是世界上第一个金融帝国,在我看来也将是最后一个。美国之后不会再有帝国,也不会有金融霸权。这与互联网时代的到来有关,互联网已使货币高度电子化,网 上消费、远程交易正在驱逐实体货币。或许不远的将来,我们就会迎来一个没有货币的世界。到时“皮之不存,毛将焉附”,还有什么货币霸权可言呢?

对于美国当前这种战略的生成原理和实施流程,我们当然需要了解。但中国未来基本不可能再去强行谋求另外一个货币霸权,因为那将是一种没落和过时的模式。不 过,虽然人民币未来不再可能一统天下,但立足于当前阶段现实需求,中国还是应谋求在货币霸权消失之前,让人民币成为国际化货币,因为只有这样,才有利于中 国更好更快地发展。


Friday, 8 January 2016

Joint Open Letter to the Prime Minister | National Security Council Bill 2015

Joint Open Letter to the Prime Minister 
| National Security Council Bill 2015

5 January 2016

YAB Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak
Prime Minister of Malaysia
c/o Principal Private Secretary to the Prime Minister
Office of the Prime Minister of Malaysia
Main Block, Perdana Putra Building
Federal Government Administrative Centre
62502 Putrajaya

YAB Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib Bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak,

The National Security Council Bill 2015

The Malaysian Bar, the Advocates’ Association of Sarawak and the Sabah Law Association are seriously concerned with the National Security Council Bill 2015 (“the Bill”) that was passed by the Dewan Rakyat on 1 December 2015 and the Dewan Negara on 22 December 2015.

2. It is worrying that this far-reaching piece of legislation has been hastily dealt with by Parliament despite widespread concerns expressed by various parties.  The Government’s refusal to engage meaningfully with critics of the Bill and to properly respond to the mounting criticism of it are regrettable.

3. Further, we are disconcerted that the Government has failed to fully explain the reasons for the Bill.  There have been some references to the Lahad Datu incident and the creation of Eastern Sabah Security Command.  However, these references are questionable because firstly, the Lahad Datu incident took place more than two years ago.  Thus, there was no reason for the sudden rush for this Bill in the past month. Secondly, Article 150 of the Federal Constitution provides for the proclamation of an emergency, which would provide sufficient powers to address any future incidents of territorial incursion, like that of Lahad Datu.

4. We wish to briefly highlight some of our serious concerns on the Bill, as follows:

(a) There is an absence of any reference to relevant provisions of the Federal Constitution such as Article 149 (Legislation against subversion, organized violence, and acts and crimes prejudicial to the public) or Article 150 (Emergency Powers) of the Federal Constitution in the preamble to the Bill despite the wide powers on matters concerning national security and, further, the provisions for the exercise of emergency-like powers;

(b) The Bill creates a new statutory entity called the National Security Council (“NSC”).  It is clear that the NSC is markedly different — in its composition, scope of function and responsibilities — from the existing administrative body also known as the National Security Council.  There has been no explanation as to why the NSC has been established as a statutory body by the Bill and clothed with the wide powers under the Bill;

(c) The NSC is to be “the Government’s central authority for considering matters concerning national security” (see Clause 3).  Thus, this suggests that NSC will have executive power on national security matters and will have the final say on this critical matter;

(d) The NSC’s scope of authority on matters concerning national security is unduly broad, as “national security” is not defined in the Bill.  The NSC would be able to treat almost any matter as one of national security for the purposes of the Bill.  There are no checks and balances to this seemingly unbridled executive power in the hands of the NSC;

(e) The functions of the NSC include “to perform any other functions relating to national security for the proper implementation of this Act” (see Clause 4(d)).  The NSC will also have the power to “control” and “issue directives” to “any ministry, department, office, agency, authority, commission, committee, board or council of the Federal Government, or of any of the State Governments, established under any written law or otherwise” on operations or matters concerning national security (see Clauses 2 and 5).  Thus, a whole host of instrumentalities of the Federal Government or State Governments — which could include Bank Negara Malaysia, Securities Commission and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission — would be made subservient to the NSC.  The independence of these entities could be irreversibly compromised or undermined.  Further, the authority of State Governments can be overridden;

(f) It is of critical importance to note that the extensive powers of the NSC over instrumentalities of the Federal Government or State Governments (in Clause 5) is exercisable without a declaration of a “security area” (in Clause 18).  This appears to be an unprecedented conferment of executive powers on a statutory body by Parliament, and these enormous powers are available to the NSC even where the conditions for the declaration of a security area (as stated in Clause 18) are not met.  In short, the NSC’s powers under Clause 5 are akin to emergency powers, but exercisable without a declaration of emergency under Article 150 by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong;

(g) The Bill enables the NSC to command the armed forces (see Clause 5 and 19), thus violating Article 41 of the Federal Constitution, which states that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong is the supreme commander of the armed forces of the Federation.  The Bill further infringes Article 137(1) of the Federal Constitution, which states that it is the Yang di-Pertuan Agong who shall be responsible for the command, discipline and administration of, and all other matters relating to, the armed forces.  In addition, Section 168(3) of the Armed Forces Act 1972 states that no power vested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may be affected by any written law;

(h) The composition of the NSC is troubling, as all the members are appointed by the Prime Minister, and the NSC will therefore not be an independent body.  The Director General of the NSC is also to be appointed by the Prime Minister (see Clause 15).  In contrast, the equivalent NSC in France — i.e. the Council of Defense and National Security — includes the head of state (i.e. the President) in its composition, which provides a measure of check and balance;

(i) It is further troubling that the NSC is empowered to demand that all government entities shall transmit national security-related information or intelligence to it immediately, making the NSC the sole intelligence coordinating agency of the country (see Clause 17);

(j) The NSC is empowered to advise the Prime Minister to declare any area in Malaysia as a “security area” if the NSC is of the view that the security in that area is “seriously disturbed or threatened by any person, matter or thing which causes or is likely to cause serious harm to the people, or serious harm to the territories, economy, national key infrastructure of Malaysia or any other interest in Malaysia, and requires immediate national response” (see Clause 18(1)).  This provision gives the NSC a broad discretion, predicated on wide and vague grounds, to advise that an area be declared as a “security area”.  Thus, Clause 18(1) undoubtedly allows for the exercise of emergency powers that only the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may exercise under Article 150, and is therefore a provision that is unconstitutional;

(k) The declaration by the Prime Minister in Clause 18(1) is for an initial period of six months and “may be renewed by the Prime Minister from time to time for such period, not exceeding six months at a time” (see Clauses 18(3) and 18(4)).  Thus, the Prime Minister may extend the period of the declaration for an unlimited number of times, and therefore for an indeterminate duration of years.  There is provision for the declaration to be “laid before Parliament” but this is in the nature of notification to Parliament and not for the purposes of debate and ex post facto sanction by Parliament (see Clause 18(6));

(l) Upon a declaration of an area as a “security area”, the NSC would have wide-ranging executive powers.  It may issue executive orders that would include the deployment of security forces (such as the police and the armed forces) in the security area (see Clause 19(2)), and may appoint a Director of Operations who is answerable only to the NSC (see Clause 20).  The Bill does not provide for the qualifications of the Director of Operations, who is to have enormous and unrestricted powers, such as the power to remove any person from the security area, impose curfew, and control movement of persons or vehicles (see Clauses 22(2), 23 and 24);

(m) As regards the deployed security forces, they “may, without warrant, arrest any person found committing, alleged to have committed or reasonably suspected of having committed any offence under any written laws in the security area”.  The security forces also have powers to stop and search individuals; enter and search any premises; and take possession of any land, building or movable property (such as cars) in a security area (see Clauses 25 to 30).  All constitutional guarantees and fundamental rights of citizens in respect of arrest, search and seizure of property can be ignored or suspended for infringing “any written laws in the security area”.  This is a grave violation of the Federal Constitution;

(n) The Bill allows for the creation of a security area where the military may be deployed by the NSC for the purpose of an internal security operation other than armed conflict.  Here, the Bill places the command of the military under a civil agency, which is unusual.  Further, the law of armed conflict dictates that unless the threat is a “real threat” and “not a perceived threat”, and that it is an act of war between nations, the threat falls within the jurisdiction of the police or any other government agencies, and not under the military;

(o) The Bill also appears to violate the Rules of Engagement (Rules of Confirmation) of the military, by allowing for any member of the security forces to use “reasonable and necessary” force (see Clause 34); and

(p) Finally, there is power to dispense with inquests in respect of members of the security forces and persons killed within the security area, as long as a Magistrate “is satisfied that the person has been killed in the security area as a result of operations undertaken by the [s]ecurity [f]orces for the purpose of enforcing any written laws” (see Clause 35).  “Written laws” are not defined, and could well include laws in respect of minor offences.  Thus, this provision permits security forces to use disproportionate force that could result in the loss of lives, with impunity;

5. We consider the Bill to be a serious threat to our system of constitutional government.  It is apparent that the Bill vests and concentrates enormous executive and emergency powers in the NSC and the Prime Minister.  This upsets the delicate separation of powers in the Constitution between the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary on the one hand, and the constitutional monarchy on the other hand.

6. It would appear that the powers are in effect emergency powers, but without the need for a proclamation of an emergency under Article 150.  This usurps the powers vested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, and effectively resurrects the powers granted to the Government under the Emergency Ordinances, which were repealed by Parliament in 2011.
7. We are aware of the constant refrain that new powers, such as found in the Bill, are necessary to combat the threat of terrorism.  However, we would remind the Government that it has more than enough laws giving it powers to address security concerns.  The Bill extends those powers even further, allowing the Government to restrict movement, abandon civil liberties, and administer areas centrally and directly, bypassing state and local government.  It avoids public scrutiny and proper accountability, and promotes unfettered discretion and an environment of impunity.      

8. The Malaysian Bar, the Advocates’ Association of Sarawak and the Sabah Law Association urge the Government to seriously reconsider the Bill and not bring it into force, and to engage with all concerned parties on the proper role and function of the NSC.  There are fundamental concerns and consequences associated with the NSC Bill that require careful discussion by, and input from all stakeholders involved.  The Government should take a step back to properly address these concerns for the sake of the nation.

Thank you.

Yours sincerely,

Steven Thiru
Malaysian Bar

Leonard Shim
Advocates’ Association of Sarawak

Brenndon Soh
Sabah Law Association

Wednesday, 6 January 2016

《西游记》电影海报不见猪八戒 国外传媒关注、国内民间议论











此外,《观察者网》编者贴出原版《西游记》电视剧里饰演八戒的马德华的近照,还申明“马德华老师就是回族,并没有什么不妥。 ”——《人民之友》编者注:中国回族就是信仰伊斯兰教的民族,约有1,000多万人口。


指猪八戒演员并不出名  西游记发行商坦承自删


《东方日报》报道,GSC(Golden Screen Cinema)发行经理侯秀嫦指出,他们在考量商业和演员知名度后,自行删除了海报中的猪八戒。

























Sunday, 3 January 2016

何启良不获南院续约 与其批马华言论有关 (1月6日更新)











第一个典型事例,就是发生在2015年9月28日(距离他接到不获南院续约的通知的10月31日那天,只有32天的时间罢了)何启良针对震撼华人社会的“9•16”茨厂街红衫军骚乱事件,在《东方网》和平面媒体《东方日报》发表了一篇题为《对种族主义的呵责》的专栏文章。他在文中表示“我们目睹一个败坏国家(failed state)快速演变成无赖政权(rogue state)。”之后,在脸书上转贴的上述文章加添了以下内容:“马来西亚的独立,各民族都有贡献的。但是,谁出卖了马来西亚华人社会?这你不可不知道。”“至今华人沒有地位,就是被那华社代表出卖民族利益。”文中列举历史事实证明,马华的陈东海、陈修信和梁宇皋,是分别名列“头号”、“二号”、“三号”华社败类的出卖华族利益的汉奸人物。

“在陈修信,陈东海和梁宇皋这三大汉奸为巫统护航,里应外合,软硬兼施之下,华文中学被强制改制成为国民型中学,华文小学教育从此受到无理 欺凌打压,无法自由发展。而令梁宇皋和陈修信吃尽苦头的教总主席林连玉先生,也被马华在幕后怂恿策划之下,被联盟政府递夺公民权,取消所有教师津贴和恩俸 金,意图令林老先生生活陷入困境,最后郁郁而终。”

“华裔公民权益被剥夺;华裔沦为三等公民;华文教育被无理打压;大学学额受到固打制限制,许多优秀华裔子弟无法进入国民大学门槛;华裔公民在各个 领域都受到不平等的对待。这些种种,血泪斑斑,华社必须永远铭记在心。更加要让年轻的华裔子弟了解这些丑陋的历史真相,时刻勿忘。” 












4、我国华社必须严正对待 何启良对祝家华的指控

Friday, 1 January 2016

祝家华托友人国外发表“自白书” 国内媒体未见报道必将引起揣测


文章来源: 文学城博客





近日,南院前副校长何启良教授给我定了9宗罪,我觉得很委屈。首先我承认,何教授学识人品堪为师表,无可挑剔,此番举报也是出于公心,符合公众利益。但是, 他看问题视野太窄,没有国际眼光。纵观国际,许多国家的大学校长,都比我更贪、更黑、更坏,我比他们好多了。跟这些国家的校长大巫相比,我最多只算小巫。



1、滥用公款、随意报销,一个月校长petty cash高达万余令吉。这算什么事?今年11月,北京的中国传媒大学8名官员,因违反学校的节俭规定受到处分,其中包括校长被撤职,他们据称利用学校资金开豪车,进行宴请,致使学校财务“管理混乱”。北京邮电大学的领导们被发现存在虚列支出的问题。中国人民大学招生就业处原处长蔡荣生在南京一家法院接受审判时承认受贿2330万元。和他们相比,我真算是清官,够廉洁的了。
5、“口号治校,仪式办学,对实际校务失责”。外国的大学口号更多,什么厚德载物、兼容并包、学术自由,等等。哈佛不是也有“哈佛哈佛,哈什么鬼佛”的口号吗?我只不过是见贤思齐。至于我校贵重乐器被偷走、中医楼被盗窃、学生在校园被抢劫……这属于社会治安问题,要问责得问警察,要怪就怪首相与执政党,为什 么国家的治安这么不好,连累我校?
6、“通过巧诈手段,企图升等教授职”。这只能怪你们这些副手不会拍马屁。我升为正教授还用我亲自开口?你们应该主动积极帮衬校长升等,把我抬进正教授行 列才对。君不见,中国的大学,哪个不是当了校长、书记马上就可以兼正教授、博士生导师的?就算滥竽充数,也是制度必需。校长都不是正教授,那学校里的正教 授又怎么会服他管?因此,我建议,只要当上校长,就可以无条件升等正教授,否则,校长怎么管理下面的正教授呢?
7、“伪造公文,蒙骗同事”。南院我是校长,我说了算;如果你当上了南院校长,你说了算。校长没有“说了算”这个权力,还怎么撑得起台面,压得住阵脚?王 润华教授是我下属,经过他,我的意见他会同意。不经过他,他也应该同意。这就是老教授比较听话的可贵之处,值得大家学习。再说,我也没有冒用他的名字,去 学校外面骗钱。
至于“睡懒觉耽误会议、把来访学校赠礼私占、公开演讲毫无准备、严肃课题信口开河、谄媚上司、欺凌下属、出尔反尔、忌贤妒能、挑拨离间”……我承认,那是 我的个性,那是不拘小节。我是校长,南院是我家,没有一点“祝家特色”,怎么把校长的位置坐稳?又怎么对得起“大学章程”与“高等教育法规”?



1、何启良不获南院续约 与其批马华言论有关
2、我国华社必须严正对待 何启良对祝家华的指控

通告 Notification


  • 兴权会2.0领导乌达雅古玛 (P. Uthayakumar)
  • 人权律师西蒂卡欣 (Siti Kasim)
  • 自由撰稿人及评论人唐南发(Josh Hong)
  • 媒体工作者及评论人蓝志锋(Lum Chih Feng)





(1)朱信杰 017-7721511
(2)钟立薇 012-7177187
(3)吴振宇 013-7778320

Forum to be held on 21 September in commemoration of 18th anniversary

We will be organising “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum cum buffet in commemoration of our 18th Anniversary. The following 4 experts have accepted the invitation to become our panel speakers:
  • P. Uthayakumar – Leader of Hindraf 2.0
  • Siti Kasim – Human rights lawyer
  • Josh Hong - Freelance writer and commentator
  • Lum Chih Feng – Media worker and commentator
All 4 panel speakers will present papers, deliver speeches and answer questions on the theme of the forum. After the event, we will also be uploading the paper and video of the speeches of the panel speakers to Sahabat Rakyat blog( reference material for the public. Through this forum, we hope to inspire more leaders of democratic parties, organisations, scholars and peoples of all walks of life to make more contribution to the democratic reform movement of our country.

Particulars of the event are as follows:
Date: 21 September 2019 (Saturday)
Time: 2:00pm – 5:30pm
Venue: Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor
Buffet will start upon the completion of the forum, concurrent with the sharing session
. We welcome all who are concerned with the political developments in Malaysia to attend this event and join the buffet meal. (Admission is free, but please register in advance so that we can make necessary arrangement for food. If you are interested, please fill in contact person in charge below)

9 September - Published the English rendition of an article of value for reference

On 9 September this year (the actual day of our anniversary), we had published an English rendition of the "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" originally written in Chinese by Chng Min Oh, a former trade union leader in Singapore on Sahabat Rakyat blog, as a gift of our anniversary. This English rendition was translated by personnel delegated by the Secretariat of Sahabat Rakyat. This article provides a historical lesson learned about the destruction bore from within of the anti-colonial independence movement of the people of Malaya and Singapore plotted by the enemy, and constitutes revelatory reference material to the realistic issues that this coming forum is probing into.

Sahabat Rakyat is an ideological exchange platform that focuses on promoting democratic human rights movement in our country. All committee members of Sahabat Rakyat are volunteers. We adhere to the stance of being independent and autonomous, we adopt the principle of being self-reliant, thrifty and hard work, and strive to promote the development of the democratic human rights movement toward the right direction.
We welcome those who are generous hearted to sponsor this event and other work that we carry out. For those who are interested to sponsor, please contact:

(1)Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511
(2)Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187
(3)Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320



Malaysia Time (GMT+8)