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Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

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Bersatu padu, mempertahankan reformasi demokrasi tulen, buangkan khayalan, menghalang pemulihan Mahathirism.

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人民之友恭祝各界2019新年进步、万事如意!在新的一年里,联合起来,坚持真正的民主改革! 丢掉幻想,阻止马哈迪主义复辟!

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2014年加影州议席补选诉求 / Tuntutan-tuntutan Pilihan Raya Kecil Kajang 2014

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人民之友18周年(2001—2019)纪念,举办一场邀请4名专人演讲的政治论坛和自由餐会,希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士,共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

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林清祥《答问》遗稿片段

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新加坡“5•13学生运动” 有/没有马共领导的争论【之一】与【之二】

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马来西亚民主改革的新阶段 / The New Phase of Democratic Reform in Malaysia / Fasa Baru Reformasi Demokratik di Malaysia

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人民之友为庆祝15周年(2001—2016)纪念,在2016年9月上旬发表了最近5年(2011—2016)工作报告(华、巫、英3种语文),并在9月25日在新山举办一场主题为“认清斗争敌友,埋葬巫统霸权”的论坛。

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人民之友16周年纪念,针对即将来临的全国大选发表专题文章,供给我国民间组织和民主人士参考,并接受我国各族人民民主改革实践检验。

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人民之友根据2017年9月24日发表的《人民之友 对我国第14届大选意见书 》的内容与精神以及半年来国内和国外的政治形势,对5月9日投票提出具体意见,供全国选民参考。

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《人民之友》2019年国际劳动节发表对2007年兴权会游行示威的重要领袖乌达雅古玛(Uthayakumar)的专访(第一部分)。这次专访的主题是:兴权会的主要斗争对象乃是马来霸权统治集团。

Friday, 19 January 2007

人民之声" 2006 年大 马人权状况"交流会


大马人民之声(新山支会)20070118文告


日期: 2007 01 21 日(星期日)

时间: 下午 2 4 30

地点: 新山 人民之友联络所(JH1

8A,Jln Ronggeng 11, Tmn Skudai Baru , 81300 Skudai, Johor.

(好运酒店(GoodHope Hotel )同 条街 Restorant Ayu 楼上


大马人民之声(新山支会)订于上述日期,时间和地点,举行" 2006年马来西亚人权状况"交流会。在交流会上,我们將推介大马人民之声发表的2006年马来西亚公民与政治权利报告书概述》和柔佛州人民之友工委会发表2006年柔佛州人权报告书》。


2006年间,马来西亚的人权状况有改变吗?在首相阿都拉主政的第三个年头里,并没履行他上任时的承诺,即:改善公民自由权利,对付贪污及重整警察部队的承诺。令人感到担忧的是,越来越多偏激狭隘、煽动种族情绪和具有法西斯主义倾向的言论陆续出现。限制公众言论自由的举措逐渐加强,媒体业更出现垄断又集中的现象。


今年,人民之声首次发表了《 2006年柔佛州人权报告书》,目的是为了让柔佛州居民了解本州的人权状况。《报告书》检验了过去的一年里,柔佛州到底发生了哪一些违反人权的事件。

2006年柔佛州人权报告书》里共概括了9个章节,包括无审讯扣留、警察滥权事件、社会治安不宁、言论与集会自由、地方议会政府、居住与环境权利、宗教自由、母语教育权利和难民、寻求批护者与无证件移民。


本会借此机会 ,邀请大家前来参加这个意义深远的人权活动,并希望大家共同为推动我国人权事业的发展而作出努力。



Saturday, 13 January 2007

Malaysian Charter on Human Rights

Malaysian Charter on Human Rights
By Malaysian Non-Governmental Organisations

December 1994


PREAMBLE

1. Acknowledging the impact of changing geopolitical realities in the present global order on a multi-cultural country like Malaysia and recognising the diversity of situations, experiences and perceptions in our context, we believe that there is a common basis for the protection of human rights.

2. Human rights are the foundation of the holistic well-being of all humans in all spiritual, moral, mental, physical and social aspects. With these rights come the responsibility to protect and respect the well-being of other individuals and communities in society, as well as to ensure a harmonious relationship between humankind and the natural environment.

3. In a developing country like Malaysia, recognition and respect of the right to political, social, cultural and economic self-determination of all peoples are fundamental to the protection of our dignity and equality; and to justice, peace and freedom in our country.

4. The promotion of human rights is indivisible to the pursuit of a holistic and just development. We believe that all forms of expression and choices about the processes of economic development in this country must be respected.

5. We note that the Malaysian government has not ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In addition, other United Nations Conventions such as the Convention Against Torture, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, have not been ratified as well. We strongly believe that the ratification, and effective implementation, of these standards is vital to the promotion of human rights in Malaysia, and urge the Government to do so immediately.

Article 1 - Universality

1. Human rights are universal. Universal human rights standards are rooted in our many and rich cultures. Human rights are universal in value and are of universal concern.

2. Human rights afford protection to all of humanity, including special groups such as children, minorities and indigenous peoples, workers, refugees and displaced persons, people with disabilities and the elderly.

3. Whilst we recognise and advocate cultural pluralism, those cultural practices which derogate from universally accepted human rights must not be tolerated.

Article 2 - Indivisibility

1. Human rights, be they economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights, are indivisible and interdependent. The protection of economic, social and cultural rights requires full respect by governments for the exercise by peoples of their civil and political rights.

2. Poverty denies people much of their basic economic and social rights. However, the poor must never be denied their right to speak, to organize, and to exercise their right to participate in decision-making in the development process on the grounds that they must first be fed, housed and educated.

3. We affirm that one set of rights can never be used to bargain for another set of rights.

Article 3 - Women's Rights as Human Rights

1. Women's rights are human rights. Women's rights must be addressed in both the public and private spheres of society, in particular the family.

2. The patriarchal system is manifest in all institutions, attitudes, social norms and values in our society. It takes many forms and cuts across class, culture, caste and ethnicity. It must be eradicated.

3. All forms of discrimination against women are to be eliminated.

4. Violence against women is one of the main instruments by which patriarchy perpetuates itself, and thereby the subjugation, oppression and exploitation of women.

Violence against women is a violation of women's basic human rights and must be eradicated if there is to be social justice and equity.

Violations of women's human rights are not simply individual acts of violence.

Within all areas of human rights - whether civil, political, economic or social - human rights violations against women take specific forms. Entrenched structures and practices such as caste, customary law, the family, and religion continue to discriminate against women.

Economic and social institutions which are exploitative oppress women, and legal institutions which claim to dispense equal justice are in fact gender biased.

5. To provide women a life with dignity and self-determination, women must be guaranteed inalienable equal economic, social, political and religious rights.

Article 4 - Development

1. The right to holistic development is a basic human right. In order to attain socially equitable and environmentally sustainable development, there must be respect for civil and political rights as well as social, cultural and economic self-determination of all people.

People's participation in the development process is essential to ensure that development is socially just and culturally appropriate.

2. Human development is dependent on resources provided by our natural environment.

The protection and the sustainable use of these resources is integral to the well-being and survival of all peoples, in particular those communities that live in close harmony with their environment, and for future generations.

3. Our models of economic development need to be recast in recognition of the fragility of the present ecological crisis and the growing inequities of the present economic systems.

Alternative development frameworks need to be constructed using culturally and socially appropriate models, drawing from, in particular, the experiences of the indigenous communities of our country.

Article 5 - Democracy

1. True democracy cannot be separated from holistic development. Each is essential for the attainment of the other.

2. Democracy is more than the ritual casting of a ballot once every few' years. True democracy involves ongoing participation by the people at all levels so that the people can determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, cultural and spiritual development.

3. Participatory democracy must permeate all levels of human living the home, the workplace, the local community and the nation.

Article 6 - Development and the world order

1. The present world order allows the arbitrary control and domination of development by the powerful in the North, abetted by elites in the South. This gross injustice perpetrates vast social and economic disparities both globally and nationally and denies individuals and communities the right to social, cultural and economic self-determination.

2. The development process at the international level must also be guided by the same principles of participatory democracy, equity and justice.

3. The United Nations must be democratised through the abolition of the veto and permanent membership of the Security Council, and an enhancement of the powers of the General Assembly.

4. The external debt of the chronically poor nations of the South aggravates poverty and thus violates the human rights of their peoples. These debts should be written off. Other debtor nations of the South should be allowed to reschedule their debts and not be further burdened by structural adjustment policies.

5. The present policies of the Group of Seven and North-dominated institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade inflict gross human rights violations on the poor of the South. This must be stopped.

6. Every person and community has the right to have direct access to international institutions to seek redress.

Article 7 - Environment

1. Everyone is entitled to live in a clean, healthy, safe, and sustainable environment free from agricultural and industrial pollution.

2. All peoples and nations have a right to participate in decisions regarding local, regional, and global environmental issues such as nuclear arsenals, storage, transportation, and dumping of toxic wastes, pollution, and location of hazardous industries.

Article 8 - Equality and Non-Discrimination

1. All persons are born free and equal in dignity and rights.

2. There shall be no discrimination in the rights and privileges of persons based on their ethnic origin, class, social status, age, sex, mental and physical being, language, religious belief, sexual identity or political conviction.

3. There shall be a more just distribution of wealth, power and opportunities without distinctions based on ethnic origin, age, sex, mental and physical being, language, religious belief, sexual identity or political conviction., The government and private sector should formulate and implement policies to achieve this end.

Article 9 - Equal access to basic needs

1. All persons. are entitled, irrespective of ethnic origin, age, sex, mental and physical being, language, religious belief, sexual identity or political conviction to sufficient food, clothing, shelter, education, energy, water, medical care, social services, information, public amenities and a clean and safe environment to maintain a standard of living adequate for the dignity, health and well-being of the person, the family and the community.

2. Everyone has the right to live and die with dignity and to social protection against unemployment, sickness, disability, old age, death or abandonment in circumstances beyond the person's control.

Article 10 - Employment

1. Everyone has the right to full employment with fair working conditions, a safe working environment and with a humane and democratic management.

2. All workers must receive equal pay for the same job done irrespective of gender and ethnicity.

3. All workers must receive a fair and just wage that allows the person and family to maintain an adequate standard of living.

4. All workers are entitled to job security, the right to organize and join a union of the person's choice, and exercise the right to take all forms of industrial action in a peaceful manner.

Article 11 - Education, language and culture

1. Everyone has the right to free primary and secondary education which shall be compulsory. The state shall provide the social, economic and legal mechanisms to ensure the above right. Higher education which includes technical and vocational education should be made available within the resources of the country to all, irrespective of gender, ethnicity and socioeconomic background.

2. All persons have the right to choose and practise their own religion, beliefs and traditions.

3. All persons have the right to use and learn their own languages and maintain their cultural traditions and identity.

4. National minorities have the right to carry on their own educational activities, including the maintenance of schools and higher educational institutions and the use and teaching of their own language; provided that this right is not exercised in a manner which prevents the members of these minorities from understanding the culture and language of the community as a whole and from participating in its activities in order to attain national unity and integration.

Article 12 - Rights to personal security

1. Everyone has the right to live in peace and be free from fear of arbitrary arrest and detention without fair and public trial.

2. No person shall be tortured or subjected to cruel or degrading treatment or punishment by individuals, police, military or any other state agency.

3. Everyone has the right to legal counsel forthwith upon arrest, to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, to be equally protected by the law and to be given a fair and public trial.

4. Everyone has the right to freedom from persecution and to obtain asylum in other countries.

5. Everyone shall have the right to move freely in and out of the country.

Article 13 - Freedom of association and assembly

1. Everyone is entitled to organize or participate in meetings, forums, gatherings, discussions, and other peaceful activities without having to obtain the prior permission of any state body.

2. Everyone has the right to join or form any Organisation including political organisations of their choice and conduct peaceful activities.

Article 14 - Freedom of expression and access to Information

1. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinions and responsible exercise of the freedom of expression without interference and persecution.

2. Everyone is entitled to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through an independent and responsible mass media free of political censorship and monopoly.

3. The media of mass communications shall not be subject to licensing at the discretion of government.

4. Mass communication media owned by the state must be governed and run by an autonomous impartial board made up representatives appointed by the state, the nongovernmental sector and opposition political parties.

Article 15 - Children

1. Every child is entitled to

a) adequate food, clothing, shelter and medical care for healthy physical growth.

b) a stable environment to encourage healthy mental and emotional growth.

c) proper supervision and education in basic moral values and social ethics.

d) live in a clean, healthy, and peaceful environment.

2. Children should not be deprived of a childhood which has adequate education, recreation, and social interaction with other children.

3. Children shall not be forced into child labour, prostitution and other forms of abuses.

4. All governments shall ratify and implement the rights of children to survival, protection and development and participation as embodied in the Convention on the Rights of Children.

Article 16 - Indigenous peoples

1. Indigenous peoples are entitled to self-determination. By this is meant their natural and inalienable rights to retain and control the land and all resources found on their traditional territories, and the right to choose their own way of life.

2. They have the right to practise and develop their culture and indigenous religion and to maintain their cultural identity. They shall also be provided with ample opportunity for material progress.

Article 17 - People with disabilities

1 . People with disabilities shall be recognized as members of society and have the right to adequate care in their daily lives.

2. They shall have the right to equal opportunity in education and employment and to be given adequate access to all basic public and social amenities.

3. They shall have the right to participate in the planning of the services for people with disabilities.

Article 18 - Refugees and Foreign Workers

1. All refugees should have access to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, other possible form of assistance and to recognition as refugees. They should not be forcibly returned to their home country especially at the risk of persecution.

2. Foreign workers should have access to all basic amenities, fair working conditions, a just and equal wage, a safe working environment, and also a channel to redress discrimination and exploitation.

Article 19 - Human Rights Education and Training

1. Human rights education and training empower people to prevent human rights violations and nurture respect for the human rights of others.

2. Human rights education and training are central to the promotion and protection of human rights.

3. Comprehensive human rights education and training programmes both in and out of school shall be developed by the government and non-government sector.

Article 20 - National emergencies, derogations and judicial independence

1. No government shall declare a state of emergency except when a real danger exists to the very existence and life of the nation; and all declarations of state of emergency shall be abrogated immediately when the need for their perpetration no longer exists.

2. Even under a validly declared emergency, governments shall not deny nor violate the following rights and freedoms: right to life, right to recognition of personal dignity and legal personality, freedom of conscience and of religion, freedom from torture, retroactive penal measures, and cruel punishment, the right to leave from and return to one's own country, the right to habeas corpus, the right of access to civil courts and to fair, public and speedy trial.

3. The protection of human rights requires an independent and socially responsible judiciary.

4. We call for the establishment of international, regional, and national mechanisms for the promotion and protection of human rights with guarantees of independence, impartiality and accessibility.

WE CALL FOR:

The repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA) and other laws providing for detention without trial, the Official Secrets Act, the Printing Presses and Publications Act and the amending of all our national laws to bring them in line with the human rights standards stated in this declaration.

The government to ratify immediately the International Covenant on Civiland Political Rights ; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women; Convention Against Torture and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

- - - - - - o - - - - -

Malaysian NGOs that have endorsed the Malaysian charter on Human Rights are as follows:

Alaigal
Aliran Kesedaran Negara (ALIRAN)
All Malaysian Estate Staff Union (AMESU)
All Women's Action Society (AWAM)
Amnesty Malaysia
Centre for Community Studies (Pusat Kaiian Masyarakat)
Congress of Unions of Employees in the Public and Civil Services (CUEPACS)
Consumer Associadon of Sabah (CASH)
Center for Orang Asli Concems (COAC)
Consumer Association of Taiping (CAT)
Democratic Action Party (DAP) Malaysia
Dignity and Services
Environmental Protection Society of Malaysia (EPSM)
ERA Consumer
Federation of Malaysian Consumer Association (FOMCA)
Federation of Textile-Garment Workers Union
Harris Solid-State (M) Sdn. Bhd. Workers Union
Institute for Community Education, Sarawak (IPK)
Electrical Industries Workers Union (EIWU)
Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC)
Metal Industry Employees Union (MIEU)
Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM)
National Civil Rights Committee
National Human Rights Society of Malaysia (Persatuan HAKAM)
National Union of Bank Employees (NUBE)
National Union of Employees in Companies Manufacturing Rubber Products (NUECMRP)
National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students (PKPIM)
Pahang Association of Consumers (PAC)
Parti Melayu Semangat 46 Malaysia
Parti Rakyat Malaysia [Selangor/Kuala Lumpur Division] (PRM)
Partners of Community Organisations, Sabah (PACOS)
Penang Organic Farm Club
People Service Organisation (PSO)
Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor [Friends of Women] (PSW)
Sabah NGOs Development Network (SNC)
Sabah Women Action Resource Group (SAWO)
Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (Youth Section)
Selangor Graduates Society (SGS)
Sisters of Islam
Society for Christian Reflections (SCR)
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
Tholilaliyin Tholar (Sahabat Pekerja/Friends of Workers)
Tenaganita
Transport Workers Union (TWU)
United Chinese School Committees' Association of Malaysia
United Chinese School Teachers' Association of Malaysia
Women's Development Collective (WDC)
Workers Organisation Malaysia (WOM)
Published by:
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) 

Malaysian Charter on Human Rights

Malaysian Charter on Human Rights
-by Malaysian Non-governmental Organisations-
(Enacted in December 1994, amended in September 1999)


Click here to download.



Piagam Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia

Piagam Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia
-oleh Badan-badan Bukan Kerajaan di Malaysia-
(Digubal pada Disember 1994, dipinda pada September 1999)
Source: Laman web Era Consumer

Malaysian Charter on Human Rights

Klik sini untuk memuat turun.



Racial eyesores on the Malaysian landscape

Racial eyesores on the Malaysian landscape 
Author / Source: Kua Kia Soong / Malaysiakini.com


The recent outbreak of violence with racial overtones at Petaling Jaya Selatan squatter settlement requires Malaysians to face up quickly to this most critical yet unresolved problem of racism and racial discrimination in Malaysian society.

This agenda is highly appropriate and timely because this year happens to be the year the United Nations will hold its conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR) in Durban, South Africa in August.

Racism and racial discrimination have been part of Malaysian political, economic, social and cultural realities ever since colonial times. Today, race has been so deeply institutionalised that it is a key factor determining benefits from government development policies, bids for business contracts, education policy, social policy, cultural policy, entry into educational institutions, discounts for purchasing houses and other official policies.

Practically every aspect of Malaysian life is permeated by the so-called 'bumiputra policy' based on Malay-centrism. This is unabashedly spelled out by political leaders in the daily mass media in Malaysia.

It is an established fact that racial polarisation is prevalent in various Malaysian institutions. A new survey by Universiti Malaya shows that 98 per cent of Malay students do not mix with non-Malays while 99 per cent of Chinese students and 97 per cent of Indian students do not mingle with the other races.

While the government tries to account for this problem by blaming other extraneous factors such as the existence of vernacular schools, it is clear that the roots of polarisation lie in this institutionalisation of racism and racial discrimination.

Integral part

Racism is an integral part of the Malaysian socio-political system. The ruling coalition is still dominated by racially-defined component parties, the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). These parties compete for electoral support from their respective constituencies by pandering to 'racial' interests. Invariably, their racist inclinations are exposed at their respective party congresses.

Some opportunistic opposition parties likewise pander to their constituencies using racist propaganda to win electoral support and they have also contributed to the vicious circle of racial politics which has characterised Malaysia all these years.

Umno, the ruling party, continues to insist that 'Malay unity' and even 'Malay dominance' is essential for national unity. 'Malay dominance' is invariably used interchangeably with 'Malay privileges', which the ruling Malay elite justifies through the Federal Constitution.

Consequently, we have witnessed the periodic controversies over the alleged challenges to Malay special privileges every time sections of Malaysian society call for non-racist solutions to Malaysian problems. The recent fracas over the appeals by the Chinese Associations of Malaysia (Suqiu) is a case in point. There have been other cases in recent Malaysian history in which the ruling party has allowed racist reactions to be used against the non-Malay communities.

White Paper

The official White Paper on the mass ISA detentions of 1987 documents the Umno Youth rally at the Jalan Raja Muda Stadium on Oct 17, 1987, at which racist and seditious sentiments were flagrantly displayed, e.g.: "May 13 Has Begun; Soak it (the kris) with Chinese Blood…" Umno leaders, including those who are ministers today, were among the rabble rousers on the podium.

The ruling party condoned such racism on the grounds that theirs was a reaction to the protests by the Chinese organisations over the posting of unqualified officers to the Chinese schools in 1987. In the same way, Umno Youth tried to justify their recent boorish protest over Suqiu at the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall by the fact that they were 'provoked' by Suqiu. These realities are principally because they were trying to externalise the internal problems within the ruling party, Umno itself.

Even more recently on Feb 4, 2001, a Malay Action Front rally was organised by former and current Umno leaders using the emblem of an unsheathed kris (Malay dagger) against a blood-red backdrop and calling for the further extension of Malay rights and privileges. Racism and racial discrimination are also manifested in the way indigenous peoples are uprooted from their traditional homelands and displaced to ill-planned resettlement schemes to make way for dams, plantations and other industrial projects. Many development agencies do not respect their native customary land rights. The underlying assumption in official circles is that their cultures and way of life are backward and they need to be 'modernised'. They are rarely properly consulted over these projects and their fate is tantamount to 'ethnocide'.

Migrant workers, including foreign domestic workers, are another group of people who face racism and racial discrimination in Malaysia. There are over two million foreign workers in the country, out of which there are over 10,000 hired as domestic help. The negative and derogatory perception of foreign workers held by many Malaysians condone the abuse of these workers. As women, foreign domestic workers are often subject to verbal, physical and even sexual abuse. The are discriminated against because of their gender, race as well as class.

Affirmative action

The ruling party Umno prides itself on the supposedly 'successful' affirmative action in favour of bumiputra. Bumiputra literally means 'princes of the soil', the official epithet for Malays and other indigenous peoples but which excludes the original peoples, i.e. the Orang Asli of Peninsula Malaysia. This has been the cornerstone of development plans since the New Economic Policy was started in 1971.

Consequently, while this populist bumiputra policy has been applied to the benefit of bumiputra as a whole, the new Malay ruling elite is strategically placed to reap the full benefits of this racially-based policy. Totally committed to capitalism and to privatisation, this policy has ensured that the non-Malay local and foreign elite have also gained from the New Economic Policy since 1971. This class cohesion among the Malaysian ruling elite underpins the racialist politics which has characterised Malaysian society since Independence.

It is time for Malaysians to reaffirm the non-discriminatory basis of the Federal Constitution and to uphold human rights principles which are strictly anti-racist.

Article 8 (1) of the Constitution clearly spells out the principle of equality of all Malaysians while Article 12 (1) allows no discrimination against any citizens on the grounds of religion, race, descent or place of birth.

Article 153 on the special position of Malays was inspired by the affirmative action provisions of the Indian Constitution to protect the minority under-privileged class of harijans. Ours is fundamentally different from those provisions because the ethnic group in whose favour the discrimination operates in Malaysia happens to be the one in political control, the Malays.

Malay dominance

At the time of Independence in 1957, four matters in relation to which the special position of Malays were recognised and safeguarded were: land; admission to public services; issuing of permits or licences for operation of certain businesses; scholarships, bursaries or other forms of aid for educational purposes. The Constitution certainly does not adhere to any notion of "Ketuanan Melayu" (Malay dominance), which is a totally racist concept.

When the Constitutional (Reid) Commission was considering whether such a provision should be included in the 1957 Constitution, it made the following comments:

"Our recommendations are made on the footing that the Malays should be assured that the present position will continue for a substantial period, but that in due course the present preferences should be reduced and should ultimately cease so that there should be no discrimination between races or communities." (Report of the Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission 1957, Govt Press, para 165, p.72)

After the Tunku was deposed in 1971, the new Malay ruling elite felt that adequate opportunities had not been made available to Malays, especially in education and that there should be a larger proportion of Malays in the various sectors. In 1971, under Emergency conditions, Article 153 was duly amended to introduce the quota system for Malays in institutions of higher learning. Clause (8A) specifically provided for the reservation of places for bumiputra in any university, college and other educational institutions.

Quota system

Nevertheless, the quota system was not intended to be the totally non-transparent and non-accountable and unfair system we know it today:

Firstly, Article (8A) makes it clear that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong can only order a reservation of a proportion of such places for the Malays. It would therefore mean that the quota system is applicable only on a faculty basis and more importantly every faculty or institution should reserve places for students of every race. No faculty or institution under this provision could cater for the Malays alone to the exclusion of the other races.

Years after the implementation of this racial quota system, there was no trace of any such order being made by the Agong nor was there evidence of any such order having been gazetted. Such a directive would thus seem to have been made by the officials of the Ministry of Education.

Thus, it is not clear whether the quota system is made applicable on an institutional basis or on the basis of the total number of places available in a particular course of study of all the universities in the country. To apply the quota system on the total number of places available in any particular university will again be a wrong interpretation of the provisions of the Constitution.

Article 153 (8A) does not authorise the administrators of any university to refuse admission to any student of a particular race. It only allows a proportion of the places to be reserved for Malay students. On such a reasoning, the constitutionality of institutions like the Asasi Sains in the University of Malaya or the science matriculation course of the Universiti Sains Malaysia which cater only for bumiputra students is doubtful.

Furthermore, the Constitution of the University of Malaya expressly prohibits discrimination on grounds of race for the admission of any student to any faculty or institution of the university. In this context too, the constitutionality of other institutions which admit students of a particular race only to the exclusion of other races is also doubtful as it violates the equality provision of Article 8.

From the above, it is clear that the question of the constitutionality of the quota system as it has been practised since 1971 especially in totally bumiputra institutions has never been tested.

Original intentions

We know what the original intentions of the 'Malay special privileges' provision in the Merdeka Constitution were, but to maintain that it is a carte blanche for all manner of racial discrimination as we have witnessed since 1971 is a violation of the spirit of the Constitution.

International law sets major limits on affirmative action measures. Notably, affirmative action policies must be carefully controlled and not be permitted to undermine the principle of non-discrimination itself nor violate human rights. Holding the equality principle uppermost, the raison d'etre and reasonableness for differential treatment must be proven.

Another important criterion to ensure successful affirmative action and synonymous with international law is that such special measures should be introduced for a limited duration as was suggested by the Reid Commission in its Report of the Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission in 1957.

A consequence of the so-called affirmative action policies up to now is that for the poor of all ethnic communities, including the indigenous peoples in Malaysia, these objectives of wealth redistribution for their benefit have not been met.

While it is widely recognised that racial polarisation exists in many Malaysian institutions such as schools, universities, the civil service, it must be stressed that this is not a 'natural' consequence of a plural society.

On the contrary, through the years there have been deliberate attempts by those in power to create divisions among the people. There is general agreement that racial polarisation has its origins in the colonial divide-and-rule strategy. This has been well-documented in studies by W R Roff (The Origins of Malay Nationalism, 1974:24) and Hua Wu Yin, (Class and Communalism in Malaysia, Zed Press 1983)

The racialist formula was institutionalised in the Alliance at Independence and perpetuated by the Barisan Nasional to the present day. Attempts at creating racial discord among the people continue to be perpetrated in public institutions and the mass media whenever it suits the politicians.

These instances have been well-documented. (See Kua Kia Soong (edited) 'Polarisation in Malaysia: The Root Causes', K Das, Ink, KL 1987; 'Mediawatch: Use and Abuse of the Malaysian Media',Huazi Research Centre 1990 )

Of all the official policies and public institutions which practice racial discrimination, there is none more pervasive than the New Economic Policy (NEP) which was implemented as a fait accompli after the Emergency was declared in 1969.

Elite cohesion

Although its specific objectives were 'restructuring of society to correct the economic imbalance of wealth holding which led to the identification of race with economic function' and 'eradication of poverty irrespective of race', the NEP has been implemented these 30 years in a racially discriminatory way with little transparency or accountability.

Just 10 years after the NEP was implemented, the 1980 census showed that more than 80 percent of all government executive officers were Malay; Malays held 75 percent of publicly-funded tertiary education places; and 96 percent of Felda settlers were Malay.

By 1990, it was widely held by observers that the wealth restructuring policy objective was very much on target if nominee companies listed under 'other Malaysians' were analysed. It is also well-known that many of these nominee companies have been formed by the bumiputra elite.

All the same, these figures showing ownership of equity capital, however distorted, also reveal that the rich non-Malay elite have done quite well under the NEP. This perhaps accounts for the elite cohesion which has held the Barisan Nasional coalition together for so long. The evidence further shows that the NEP's 'wealth restructuring' has mainly resulted in increased wealth concentration and greater intra-ethnic inequality.

By the mid-80s, it was found that the top 40 shareholders in the country owned 63 percent of the total number of shares in public companies; the top 4.4 per cent of investors in the Amanah Saham Nasional had savings amounting to more than 70 percent of ASN's total investments.

The ASN is a prime example of a savings institution, secured by Malaysian taxpayers irrespective of race, but which blatantly discriminates against non-bumiputras. This racial discrimination extends to loans, end-financing, purchase of housing, shares allocation, etc.

Problem ignored

Racial discrimination in the education policy is manifested in unfair financial allocations to the different sectors and language streams and the reluctance of the government to allow development of the mother-tongue schools of the non-Malays.

Thus the number of Chinese and Tamil primary schools in the country have actually dropped from 1,342 and 888 at Independence to 1,284 and 535 today respectively, even though the population of the communities has doubled in the last 44 years. The government has continued to ignore the grave problem of the shortage of qualified teachers for these schools for years.

By 1990, the realities of the racially discriminatory quota system in education were as follows: an average of 90 percent of loans for polytechnic certificate courses, 90 percent of scholarships for Diploma of Education courses, 90 percent of scholarships and loans for degree courses taken in the country and almost all scholarships and loans for degree courses taken overseas were given to bumiputras.

Regarding the enrolment of students in residential schools throughout the 80s, 95 percent of them were bumiputra. The enrolment in Mara's Lower Science College, the Maktab Sains Mara, was almost 100 percent bumiputra throughout the 80s.

High time

Racial discrimination in the realm of culture is seen not only in the education policy but also in the discrimination against non-Malay cultures and religions in the National Cultural Policy. Non-Muslims face obstacles in their freedom to build places of worship and access to burial grounds, among other complaints.

Racism and racial discrimination have dominated Malaysian society for far too long. Now that the Malay ruling elite has clearly gained control of the Malaysian economy, it is high time for a new consensus based on non-racial factors such as class, sector and need to justify affirmative action.

It is time for all Malaysians who hunger for peace and freedom to outlaw racism and racial discrimination from Malaysian society once and for all and to build real unity based on adherence to human rights, equality and the interests of the Malaysian masses:

  • Non-racial solutions to Malaysian political institutions
1) Political parties formed on the basis of race to further the interests of their respective races should be outlawed as such practices are inconsistent with international conventions against racism and racial discrimination;

2) Ratify all the international covenants and UN Conventions that have not been ratified by the Malaysian government to ensure that all legislation in the country abide by international human rights standards;

3) Enact a Race Relations Act and institute an Equal Opportunities Commission to combat racism, racialism, and racial discrimination in all Malaysian institutions;

4) Delineation of constituencies must be based on the principle of 'one person, one vote' and there should not be wide discrepancies between the number of voters in different constituencies;

5) Reintroduce elected local government so that problems of housing, schools, etc. can be solved in non-racial ways;

6) Ensure that there is no racial discrimination in the civil and armed services and that every ethnic community has equal chance of promotion;

7) Establish an Independent Broadcasting Authority which is fair to all ethnic communities in Malaysia;

  • Non-racial solutions to Malaysian economic development
8) There must be full transparency and accountability to ensure that contracts and shares are not dispensed on a racial basis through nepotism, cronyism or corruption;

9) Public money must not be used to bail out failed private businesses under the guise of affirmative action;

10) Government policies should be strategically aimed at reducing income disparity between the rich and poor regardless of race, religion, gender, disability or political affiliation;

11) Small and medium industries, the backbone of national industrialisation, should be developed without racial discrimination;

12) Fair and adequate support should be provided to all sectors including pig farmers especially during times of crisis;

13) Land should be fairly distributed to farmers of all ethnic communities;

14) The racially-based quota system should be replaced with a means-tested sliding scale mechanism for deserving entrepreneurs;

  • Non-racial solutions to Malaysian social development
15) Modernise the 450 or so New Villages in the country which have existed for more than 50 years, in which many of our small and medium industries are located and where basic infrastructure is inadequate;

16) Improve the living conditions (e.g. a guaranteed minimum monthly wage) and basic amenities such as housing, education and health facilities of plantation workers;

17) Ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and members of their families;

18) Set up an Equal Opportunities Employment Commission to address all forms of discrimination in the workplace;

19) Gazette all communal lands of the Orang Asli and other indigenous peoples so that they can control their own land resources and choose their own way of life;

20) Enact laws to confirm the rights of urban settlers and obligations of developers to provide fair compensation and alternative housing to urban settlers;

21) Cater to the special needs of women, children, senior citizens and the disabled;

22) Provide more recreational facilities for the youth regardless of race to allow them to develop positive and healthy lifestyles and to encourage tolerance and awareness of cultural diversity and equality;

23) Establish a housing development authority to direct construction of low and medium-cost public housing for the needy irrespective of race;

24) Poverty eradication programmes to benefit the poor of all ethnicity must be seriously pursued;

  • Non-racial solutions to Malaysian education
25) Special assistance must be based on need by under-privileged sectors and classes and not on race;

26) Institute a means-tested sliding scale of education grants and loans for all who qualify to enter tertiary institutions regardless of race, religion or gender;

27) Recognition of educational certificates, diplomas or degrees should be dealt with by the National Accreditation Board on strictly academic grounds and not politicised or subject to racial discrimination;

28) Schools using the mother tongue of Malaysian minorities should be built as long as there is a demand for them in any catchment of these ethnic communities and they should not be racially discriminated against in financial allocations;

29) Establish a long-term solution to the crisis of teacher shortage in the Chinese and Tamil schools;

30) Amend the Education Act 1996 to reflect the national education policy as originally stated in the Education Ordinance 1957 ensuring the use, teaching and development of the mother tongue of all Malaysian ethnic communities;

31) Make available compulsory Pupils' Own language (POL) classes within the normal school curriculum as long as there are five pupils of any ethnic community in any school;

  • Non-racial solutions to Malaysian cultural policy
32) Promote knowledge, respect and sensitivity among Malaysians on Malaysian cultures, religions and ethnicity;

33) All places of prayer and worship for all ethnic communities should be gazetted in their areas of domicile free from any encumbrances and there should be no arbitrary restrictions on these places of worship;

34) National artistic and literary awards and scholarships considerations should be for all works by Malaysians regardless of the language in which they are written;

35) All ethnic Malaysian cultures should be fairly represented in official cultural bodies and the media.


DR KUA KIA SOONG, a former ISA detainee and member of
parliament, is a director of human rights group Suaram.

反对大马种族主义与种族歧视, 争取非种族性的解决方案。

反对大马种族主义与种族歧视,

争取非种族性的解决方案。

柯嘉逊


【本文是“大马人民之声”主任柯嘉逊博士于2001年2月间在国内非政府组织举行的会议上发表的工作论文。这篇文章,是为了配合联合国在南非的德班(Durban)举行反对种族主义世界大会而写的,主要目的是,向全世界各个国家和人民,表达我国人民的明确合理的意愿和诉求。《当今大马》(英文版)电子媒体于当年3月27日与28日,以《大马景观中的种族性的丑陋东西》(Racial Eyesores on The Malaysian Landscape)为标题,分为两个部分刊登。工委会在2001年9月9日成立时把这篇文件定为工作纲领。】

I. 导言:

从英殖民统治到现在,种族主义和种族歧视在大马的政治、经济、社会和文化领域中根深蒂固。今天,种族主义已经在大马社会中被全面制度化。

种族肤色成了决定大马人民能不能公平享有政府发展政策、商业投标、教育政策、社会政策、文化政策、深造机会、房屋折扣等社会福利的关键性因素。由于受到“马来人特权”观念的影响,所谓的“土著政策”,已全面渗透大马人民生活的各个方面。这套意识形态,由当权者每天通过媒体渲染,而不断扩张。不容否认,大马存在著严重的种族两极化现象。同时,各种各样的机构仍不断地传播种族主义思想。最近马来亚大学的调查显示:98%的马来学生不和非马来学生来往;99%的华裔学生及97%的印裔学生没有和其他种族学生来往。

政府指责,国民型小学的存在,是造成上述问题出现的原因。而事实上国民型小学的存在,与种族两极化之间,并没有什么联系。很明显的,将种族主义及种族歧视,贯彻到国家制度及政策上的作法,才是我国种族两极化的主要根源。

执政集团仍然由以种族为基础的政党,如:巫统、马华及国大党所主宰。在大选时,这些政党从来都是以迎合种族利益、煽动种族情绪,来争取选票。他们的种族主义倾向,通常都会在各自的党代表大会中暴露出来。作为主导国阵的主要政党,巫统继续鼓吹“马来人大团结”,甚至提出“马来人支配权”,是国民团结的基本条件。

马来统治精英利用“马来人特权”的概念,渲染种族主义思想,以巩固他们在政治上和经济上的控制权。马来统治精英,经常把他们本身所鼓吹的“马来人特权”和《联邦宪法》所规定的“马来人优惠地位”,同等起来,而使他们的论调合理化。

结果,我们不断发现:每当大马人民要求,不要用种族性的方案,解决大马社会问题时,就会出现争执;这些要求却被指责为挑战了“马来人优惠地位”。不久以前,由华团联合签署的《大选诉求》,就是个很好的例子。大马历史上还有其他例子证明,执政集团甚至允许一小撮人,以种族性的反应和行动,来针对非马来社群。

1987年,政府利用《内安法令》进行广泛拘捕的官方白皮书记载:1987年10月17日,巫青团在Jalan Raja Muda Stadium所举办的一场集会中,大肆渲染种族主义思想和想煽动种族情绪,说什么:“五一三事件已经开始了,让短剑浸浴在华人的鲜血里。” 巫统领导人,包括今天的一些部长,都曾经是煽动暴徒群中,站在指挥台上的人。为了使他们的种族主义作法合理化,执政党宣称他们的行动是因华团在1987年抗议委任不谙华语教员担任华校高职事件,而作出的举动。最近,巫青团也以诉求工委会惹怒巫青团为理由,来为他们在雪华堂采用野蛮态度针对诉求工委会的行为辩护。另一个例子是涉及1996年11月东帝汶事件的国际会议。巫青团闯进亚洲旅店,弄坏了大门,恐吓在场的参与者。

2001年2月4日,前巫统领袖以及现任巫统领袖,在“马来人不会从世上消失”的集会中,展示具有煽动性的标志,即出鞘的马来短剑,要求再进一步扩张马来人的权利及优惠。

这些事实,基本上是巫统本身企图将党内的问题归咎外因,或将斗争转向党外。

种族主义与种族歧视也同样地在这种情况下得到证明:土著社群从他们的传统土地上,被驱赶到没有良好规划的移植地区。他们的原有土地,被用来建设水坝、农业种植和工业计划。发展当局及其代理人没有尊重他们的土著习俗地权利(Native Customary Land Right)。政府方面认为他们的文化与生活方式是落后的,需要加以“现代化”。这些土著社群很少有机会对这些发展计划表示什么,而他们的命运等于是“种族灭绝”(Ethnocide)。

II. 种族主义、种族歧视和扶弱政策:

以“土著”(Bumiputra)利益为主导的扶弱政策,得以落实,是作为执政党的巫统,一向来引以为豪。‘Bumiputra’这字眼的含义是“土地的王子”。它涵盖了马来民族及其他土著,却排除了居住在大马半岛的原住民。自1971年新经济政策实施后,这就已经成了大马发展政策的基本原则。

随着这项以照顾土著整体利益为标榜的政策实施以后,新的马来统治精英便策略性地从这项以种族为基础的政策中捞取最大利益。由于大马奉行的是资本主义及私营化政策,所以同时确保本地非马来人及外国精英,也能从新经济政策中,获得一些利益。

在这时刻,我们必须重申,坚持《联邦宪法》中的非种族歧视原则,和坚持维护人权原则。

《联邦宪法》第8(1)条明确规定公平对待所有大马人民的原则。同时,第12(1)条规定不允许以宗教、种族、血统或出生地等为理由,对任何公民进行歧视。在第153条文中,关于马来民族特殊地位的概念,是源自于《印度宪法》为了保护一小部分处于弱势的哈里占民族(Harijans)而实施扶弱政策。但是,我国的政策却和他们的政策,在基本上,完全不同。大马所实行的种族歧视,是为了巩固统治精英的政治权力。

在1957年独立时期,4个受承认及保障的涉及马来人优惠地位的领域是:1)土地,2)准许进入公共服务,3)某些商业的经营执照或准证,以及4)以教育为目的的奖学金或其他形式的援助。

其实,《联邦宪法》并没有任何关于“马来人支配权”(Ketuanan Malayu)的观念。“马来人支配权”完全是由巫统领袖所鼓吹的种族主义概念。当“李特宪制委员会”考虑是否应该将这些政策,包括在1957的宪法中时,曾做出评论:

“我们的建议是:必须确保,马来民族能在这样的地位上,维持一段相当长的时间。但是,到了适当时候,现在的优惠应减少,最后应该终止,以确保在种族及社群之间,不存在任何歧视观念。”(参见政府出版的《1957年马来亚联合邦宪制委员会报告书》第72页165段)

1971年,东姑卸职后,马来统治精英感到,马来民族没有获得充分的机会,尤其是在教育领域方面;马来民族应该在各领域中占有更大的比例。

1971年,为了在高等学府中实行固打制,宪法第153条被修改了。153条文中的第8A款,还特地在大学、学院及其他教育机构中,为土著保留了一些学额。然而,固打制并不应该是我们今天所见到那样毫无透明度、不负责任和不公平的制度。

首先,153(8A)条明确指出:只有最高元首才能下令,在某些领域中,保留一部分学额给予马来民族。因此,这说明,固打制只可适用于一些科系。更为重要的是,每一个科系及每一个院校,都必须为每一个种族保留学额。在这样的情况下,任何科系或院校,不应只单方面满足马来民族的需求,而排挤其它种族。种族固打制实施了一段时间之后,并没有任何迹象显示,最高元首曾经发过上述命令。同时,在政府的公报中,也没刊登类似的指示。上述的指示,看来只是教育部官员所为。在缺乏足够的实证下,许多政策的实施,合法性都受到质疑。结果,固打制,究竟是以各大学学府为基础,还是以大学中某学科的总人数为基础,还是十分模糊的。如果是根据一间大学内的总人数来实行固打制,那是对《联邦宪法》中的条文,进行了错误的诠释。

153(8A)条并没有赋予任何大专学府管理层权力,否决其他种族学生的入学机会。153(8A)条文只规定,保留一部分的学额给马来民族。在这样的一种推理上,马大的基础科学(Asasi Sains)系及理大的科学先修班(Kursus Sains Matriculasi Sidang Akademik)只允许马来学生就读的规定,其合法性是十分值得质疑的。

此外,《马大校园章程》中列明:任何学生,在申请进入任何系院及科系中,不得因其肤色而受到不同的待遇。这也表示,一些教育机构,只允许某一种族的学生就读,而排斥其他种族学生的学习机会,其合法性也是令人质疑的,因为它违背了《联邦宪法》第8条文下关于人人平等的原则。

基于上述,自1971年开始实行“固打制”的宪法地位问题,特别是在全面土著院校方面,从未受过任何检验。我们知道,我国独立宪法中的“马来人优惠地位”条文规定的原来目的是什么,但是执政者继续不断凭借这个“全权委托”(carte blanche),任意实行任何形式的种族歧视。他们这样做,是违反我国宪法精神的。

在实行扶弱政策方面,国际法设定了主要限制。显然,扶弱政策必须细心控制,以免违反人权,或造成歧视的现象。人人平等的原则是至关重要的。任何不同的待遇,必须有所根据、合情合理。确保扶弱政策成功,而且符合国际法,另一个重要的准则是:正如“李特宪制委员会”在1957年的《马来亚联邦宪法委员会报告书》中所提出的一样,这类扶弱政策,必须设定一段期限。

至今,对许多大马的原住民来说,明显的是,扶弱政策无法通过财富再分配的方式,来改善他们的福利。更严重的是,这群土生土长的大马半岛原住民,直到现在,仍然不受《联邦宪法》承认为土著。他们依旧是大马社会中最贫困的社群。

III. 种族两极化与新经济政策

种族两极化的现象,普遍存在于马来西亚的许多机构,如:学校、大学和许多民事服务机关。必须强调的是,这不是多元社会的一种“自然”现象。相反的,这是执政者通过其掌控的种种社会资源,故意在各族人民之间建立起的鸿沟。

一般人认为,种族两极化源自于从前殖民政府分而治之的政策。(参见 W. R. Roff,《马来民族主义的起源》(The Origins of Malay Nationalism),1974:24及Hua Wu Yin,《阶级与种族主义在马来西亚》(Class and Communalism in Malaysia), Zed Press 1983)独立后,联盟政府继续采用这种分而治之的政策。后来,这政策也被国阵政府一直延用直到今天,并在这过程中不断地把它制度化并使它更完善。今天,执政集团里的许多政客,为了自身的政治利益,仍然不断地利用大众媒体和公众机构,来制造及散播种族间的不协调。这些都是有实例证明的。(参见K. Das Inc,《马来西亚种族两极化的根源》(Polarization in Malaysia: The Root Causes),KL 1987)。

在所有的官方政策和公共机构中,新经济政策是最深入和广泛实践种族歧视的政策。1969年宣布紧急状态后,政府把新经济政策当作既成事实加以推行。虽然其特定目标是“重组社会,使各族群经济上平等”及“不分种族消除贫穷”,但是,这30年来,却是以种族歧视的方式来执行,甚少透明度,也无负责性。新经济政策施行了10年以后,1980年人口普查显示,超过80%的政府机构高级执行官员是马来人;75%的国家高等教育学府的学生是马来人;96%的联邦土地发展局(FELDA)开拓者是马来人。到了1990年,观察家们普遍认为,如果对“其他马来西亚人”项目中所列明的‘受托人公司’(Nominee Companies)深入了解和分析,重组财富的政策目标早已达到。众所周知,许多‘受托人公司’都是由土族精英所创立或掌控的。

一些公司股份分配的数据,经过歪曲,同样显示:富有的非马来人精英也在新经济政策下受惠不浅。这或许就是各族精英的凝聚,使国民阵线能够这么长久配合的原因。同时,证据更进一步显示,新经济政策下的所谓“重组财富”,导致财富更加集中,种族内部的贫富悬殊更加严重。在80年代中期,国内挂牌公司主要的40位股权持有人,竟掌控了股权总数的63%;国家信托基金(Amanah Saham Nasional)的4.4%投资者,占有了超过此信托基金总投资额的70%。

国家信托基金(ASN)是储蓄机构的一个好样本,由我国各族群的纳税人给于保障。但是,它只开放给土著购买,这是明目张胆对非土著的不公平措施,公然实行种族歧视。这种种族歧视蔓延到贷款、终期贷款、购买房屋、公司股权分配等领域。

国家教育政策的种族歧视,清楚体现在对不同语文源流学校进行不公平的财政分配,也清楚体现在政府不允许非马来人的母语学校的发展。虽然在过去的44年里,华族及印族的人口已增加了一倍,但是,我国的华小和淡小,却反而从独立时的1342间和888间,分别减少到今天的1284间和535间。这些学校严重缺乏合格师资。但是,政府却持续多年,故意忽略这项重大的问题。

到了1990年,含有歧视性的固打制,体现在教育方面的实际情况如下:平均90%的工艺学院证书课程贷款,90%的教育文凭课程奖学金,90%国内大学文凭课程奖学金和贷款,以及几乎所有海外大学文凭课程的奖学金和贷款,都是颁发给土著学生。在80年代,就读于寄宿学校的学生,有95%是土著。同时,就读于玛拉初级工科学院和玛拉科学院的学生,几乎100%是土著学生。在文化领域,种族歧视现象不仅仅体现在教育政策中,国家的文化政策,也充满了对非马来人文化和宗教的歧视。非伊斯兰教徒所作的其中一项投诉,就是他们不能自由建造膜拜场所和拥有墓地。

种族主义与种族歧视,已经支配大马社会漫长岁月。今天,马来统治精英也已经明显控制了大马经济。现在该是时候,让我们达致一个新的共识,基于非种族性的因素,如阶级、领域和需要,才是采取扶弱行动的正当理由。

IV. 该是时候达致共识作些努力

现在该是时候,让所有渴望和平与自由的大马人民作出努力,彻底消灭大马的种族主义与种族歧视,同时创造一个坚持以人权、平等的广大人民利益为基础的真正团结的局面,争取下列解决方案。

(一)大马政治制度的非种族性解决方案

1. 宣布那些建立在种族基础上只为各自的种族利益的政党为不合法,因为种族性政党的作为是与反对种族主义与种族歧视的国际公约不协调的。

2. 接受和批准大马政府尚未认可的国际会议和联合国所通过的公约,以保证国家一切立法遵循国际人权标准。

3. 制定一个国内种族关系法令和建立一个平等机会设施机构,向种族主义、种族偏见和种族歧视作斗争。

4. 选区划分必须在“一人一票”原则基础上,不同选区的选民人数不能存有极大差距。

5. 恢复民选地方议会政府,以便住屋与学校等问题可以用非种族性方案来解决。

6. 保证民事和军事服务之中,没有种族歧视存在,各个种族享有相同擢升机会。

7. 建立一个独立的广播机构,它是用来公平对待大马各个种族社群。

(二)大马经济发展的非种族性解决方案

8. 保证合约和股权分配,必须完全透明与严格负责,不是以种族为根据通过裙带、朋党和贪污来进行。

9. 公众的钱不得在扶弱行动的幌子下,用来挽救失败的私人生意。

10. 政府政策战略目标必须是减低贫富之间收入差距,不论种族、宗教、性别、伤残或政治联系(属于何党)。

11. 作为国家工业主要骨干的中小型工业应该发展起来,不受种族歧视。

12. 提供公平和足够支持给予所有领域,包括养猪业者,特别是处在危机时刻。

13. 土地应该公平分配给予各个种族农民。

14. 以种族为根据的固打制应废除,对申请者作经济情况调查,根据收入和能力而作决定,以激励企业人士。

(三)大马社会发展的非种族性解决方案

15. 将存在我国逾50年为数约450个的新村现代化,许多新村有着中小型工业而基本设施是不足够的。

16. 改善种植工人的生活条件(如保证最低月薪)和基本舒适如房屋、教育、卫生设施等等。

17. 接受和批准国际公约对于外来工人及其家庭成员权利的保护。

18. 设立一个平等机会就业机构,以便处理工作上各种形式的歧视。

19. 通过宪报公布原住民所拥有的社区土地,以便他们能够控制他们所拥有的土地,资源和选择他们自己的生活方式。

20. 制订法律确认城市开拓者的权利与发展商提供公平赔偿和替代房屋给城市开拓者的义务。

21. 照顾妇女、儿童、乐龄和残障人士的特别需要。

22. 提供更多消遣娱乐设施给青年,不分种族,让他们去发展正确健康的生活,和鼓励对文化差异和平等的容忍和认识。

23. 设立一个房屋发展局以便直接建筑廉价和中价房屋给贫困者,不分种族。

24. 消除贫穷计划,必须认真实行以利于各种族的贫困者。

(四)大马教育的非种族性解决方案

25. 给予特别帮助,必须是在那些领域和阶级真正需要的情况下,而不是在种族的基础上。

26. 提供教育资助与贷款给那些有资格进入高等院校者,对申请者作经济情况调查,根据收入与能力而作决定,不论种族宗教和性别。

27. 教育文凭、专科文凭、大学学位必须由国家鉴定局严格根据学术的理由来处理,不能加以政治化或种族歧视。

28. 大马少数族群的母语的学校必须建立,只要那些族群在他们聚居的地方有此需要,而政府不能对他们学校的财政拨款采取种族歧视。

29. 确立一个解决华文和淡米尔文教师短缺危机的长期方案。

30. 修改1996年教育法令,以表现原先在1957年教育法令中说明的,保证大马各民族母语的使用、教导和发展的国家教育政策必修科的教学。

31. 只要有5名来自任何一个种族社会的学生存在,任何学校必须为他们在正常课程中,提供“学生自己的语言”(母语)。

(五)大马文化政策的非种族性解决方案

32. 在人民之间促进大马多元文化、宗教和民族的相互了解、尊重和容忍。

33. 各族群社会的所有祈祷和礼拜或拜神的场所,必须在宪报上公布,以便使这些地区没有任何干扰和妨碍,也没有专横限制。

34. 国家艺术和文学奖以及奖学金的考虑和颁发,应该给大马人在这些方面有特出作品或成绩者,不论他们所用的是什么语文。

35. 所有大马各种族文化,应该公平地由他们正式的文化机构和传媒来代表。


Deklarasi Penubuhan "Jawatankuasa Kerja Sahabat SUARAM" Negeri Johor


Deklarasi Penubuhan "Jawatankuasa Kerja Sahabat SUARAM" Negeri Johor

9 September 2001


["Suara Rakyat Malaysia" (SUARAM) cawangan Johor Bahru mengumumkan penubuhan rasmi Jawatankuasa Kerja Sahabat SUARAM Negeri Johor pada 9 September 2001. Seramai 22 orang ahli Jawatankuasa Kerja (AJK) penggal pertama telah mengangkat sumpah secara rasmi dan membaca teks penuh Deklarasi berikut. Kesemua AJK bersedia untuk membaktikan diri dalam usaha menggerakmajukan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia di Malaysia mulai saat ini.]


Gerakan hak asasi manusia yang terhad kepada negara-negara kapitalis utama di Eropah dan Amerika pada abad ke-18 dan ke-19 telah menyebar luas ke negara-negara seluruh dunia terutamanya di negara-negara membangun pada abad ke-20. Sejak diumumkan pada tahun 1948, "Deklarasi Hak Asasi Manusia Sedunia" telah menjadi satu panji gerakan hak asasi manusia antarabangsa. Ia menggabungkan gerakan-gerakan hak asasi manusia yang berkepelbagaian dalam satu arus yang kuat. Selama setengah abad yang lepas, sebahagian parti politik dan badan bukan kerajaan (NGO) di negara kita telah mengusahakan berbagai-bagai kerja dan perjuangan menuntut hak asasi manusia dalam bidang masing-masing. Akhirnya pada tahun 1994, lebih daripada 50 NGO yang progresif dan aktif di negara ini akhirnya bersatu menandatangani "Piagam Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia" dan  berjuang bersama dalam mempertahankan dan memajukan hak asasi manusia di Malaysia.

13 Feb 1965 merupakan tarikh yang sukar dilupai bagi generasi progresif lebih tua yang mempertahankan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia terutamanya bekas anggota Parti Buruh. Ramai di kalangan generasi tersebut masih ingat bahawa kerajaan Parti Perikatan pada masa itu, demi mempertahankan dan mengukuhkan pemerintahannya di Malaysia, bertalu-talu mencabuli hak asasi manusia rakyat, membuat penangkapan dan menindas kekuatan pembangkang. Oleh itu, Barisan Sosialis Rakyat Malaya (dirujuk sebagai " Barisan Sosialis") yang terdiri daripada terutamanya Parti Buruh dan Parti Rakyat pada ketika itu telah menetapkan 13 Feb sebagai "Hari Tuntutan Hak Asasi Manusia" untuk bersesuaian dengan keperluan keadaan semasa. Barisan Sosialis telah melancarkan dan mengetuai ahli dan kader parti dan rakyat jelata dari seluruh negara untuk berhimpun dan berarak di Kuala Lumpur pada hari tersebut. Perarakan demonstrasi yang begitu memberangsangkan telah meluahkan ketidakpuasan dan kebencian yang sudah lama disimpan dalam hati rakyat. Perjuangan "Hari Tuntutan Hak Asasi Manusia" tersebut telah mencipta satu teladan perjuangan massa Malaysia yang cemerlang.

Pada akhir 1960-an, kerajaan Perikatan berusaha penuh menumpaskan segala kekuatan pembangkang. Parti Buruh yang merupakan pemimpin utama dalam gerakan reformasi telah membuat keputusan memboikot pilihanraya umum yang diadakan pada tahun 1969. Walaupun tiada penjelasan rasmi, keputusan dan tindakan tersebut sebenarnya bermaksud haluan perjuangan berparlimen telah ditinggalkan. Pada dasarnya, gerakan reformasi di Malaysia telah memasuki satu peringkat merosot yang agak lama selepas insiden "Mei 13". Tempoh ini adalah peluang keemasan bagi kerajaan BN melaksanakan dasar perkauman dan diskriminasi kaum dalam bidang politik, ekonomi, budaya, pendidikan dan sosial. Tempoh hampir 30 tahun inilah "Dasar Ekonomi Baru" dilaksanakan dan diteruskan oleh golongan pemerintah yang didominasi oleh UMNO.

Selepas krisis kewangan pada tahun 1997, masyarakat Melayu secara umum memperolehi kesedaran yang baru. Mereka mula sedar bahawa elit pemerintah dan kroni-kroninya merupakan golongan yang menikmati kepentingan paling besar selepas Dasar Ekonomi Baru dilaksanakan selama 30 tahun. Klik tersebut yang menguasai sumber-sumber negara telah mempergunakan peluang terbaik untuk menimbunkan kekayaan besar-besaran tanpa mempedulikan kesengsaraan yang dihadapi oleh rakyat. Lapisan tengah dan bawahan kaum Melayu seperti rakyat kumpulan etnik lain makin hari makin menderita. Mereka terpaksa meraung! Asas UMNO semakin tergoncang!

Kerajaan BN yang didominasi oleh UMNO sedang menghadapi cabaran dan berada dalam keadaan yang sangat sukar pada hari ini. Terdapat tanda-tanda yang menunjukkan golongan elit pemerintah sedang mengaturkan corak pemerintahan ke arah bentuk diktator langkah demi langkah. Pemimpin negara yang giat "melawan hegemoni" di pentas antarabangsa telah mula mendedahkan sifat hegemoni sebenarnya. Baru-baru ini, orang ramai sentiasa diberitahu bahawa "membantah kerajaan adalah salah di sisi undang-undang" , "perarakan demonstrasi bukan budaya negara kita", "pihak tertentu bermuslihat menggulingkan kerajaan" dan sebagainya. Boleh dijangkakan bahawa banyak lagi tindakan yang serasi dengan hujah-hujah tersebut akan menyusur kemudian. Sudah pasti Rakyat Malaysia tidak ingin menyaksikan penumpasan menyeluruh dan penutupan ruang politik berperlembagaan yang berlaku pada tahun 1960-an berulang sekali lagi di negara kita.

Pihak berkuasa cuba memperdayakan, mengugut dan menipu rakyat. Taktik begini boleh berkesan dalam keadaan tertentu. Namun, dasar perkauman dan diskriminasi kaum pemerintah yang bertentangan dengan kepentingan rakyat semua bangsa pasti menimbulkan tentangan dan perjuangan yang semakin meluas dan sengit. Maka, usaha pihak pemerintah tentu gagal pada akhirnya. Ini adalah fakta yang objektif dan hukum pembangunan yang tidak akan berubah mengikut keinginan sesiapa pun.

Berkaitan dengan fahaman perkauman dan diskriminasi kaum di Malaysia, pengarah "Suara Rakyat Malaysia" (SUARAM), Dr. Kua Kia Soong telah membentangkan satu kertas kerja dalam mesyuarat yang diadakan oleh pertubuhan bukan kerajaan (NGO) dalam negeri. Kertas kerja tersebut telah dibahagi kepada dua bahagian dan dimuatnaik di laman web Malaysiakini.com dengan tajuk berbunyi "Racial eyesores on the Malaysian landscape" pada 27 dan 28 Mac.

Kertas kerja Dr. Kua Kia Soong dihasilkan sempena Persidangan Sedunia Menentang Fahaman Perkauman anjuran Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) di Durban, Afrika Selatan. Tujuan utama adalah menyampaikan keinginan dan tuntutan rakyat negara kita yang jelas dan munasabah kepada setiap negara dan rakyat di seluruh dunia. Dr. Kua menyatakan dengan jelas dalam kertas kerjanya bahawa "sistem kuota berdasarkan kaum" yang lama diamalkan oleh pihak berkuasa adalah dasar yang bertentangan sepenuhnya dengan semangat perlembagaan negara kita. Dr. Kua turut menyenaraikan sebanyak 35 poin pandangan dan pendirian yang melibatkan sistem politik, pembangunan ekonomi, pembangunan sosial, pendidikan, dan kebudayaan. Harapannya adalah semua rakyat Malaysia yang mendambakan keamanan dan kebebasan boleh sama-sama berusaha menentang fahaman perkauman dan diskriminasi kaum dan menuntut cara penyelesaian yang bukan berteraskan kaum.

SUARAM merupakan hasil ekoran dari tindakan keras kerajaan menahan seramai 106 orang (iaitu "Operasi Lalang") pada tahun 1987. SUARAM yang ditubuhkan oleh kumpulan sokongan ahli keluarga tahanan politik bersama-sama sebahagian tahanan politik yang telah dibebaskan dan aktivis hak asasi manusia pada tahun 1989 bermatlamat untuk memansuhkan Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA). Selepas berusaha dan diuji melebihi 10 tahun, SUARAM yang bermula dengan program berdasarkan satu isu, kini telah berkembang menjadi salah satu organisasi pimpinan dalam kerja hak asasi manusia dan gerakan sosial yang diiktiraf di dalam dan luar negeri.

Tahun 1970-an adalah tempoh kemuncak gerakan mahasiswa di negara kita. Mereka membuat rayuan bagi pihak golongan kurang bernasib baik dan tertindas dengan penuh semangat dan keazaman pada waktu itu. Namun, gerakan tersebut mengalami kegagalan apabila ditumpaskan oleh kerajaan Barisan Nasional. Akta Universiti dan Kolej Universiti tahun 1974 merupakan produk era tersebut dan menanda penamatan gerakan mahasiswa tersebut. Pada masa itu, gerakan mahasiswa adalah gerakan spontan untuk meluahkan perasaan tidak puas hati. Kekurangan strategi organisasi jangka panjang menyebabkan gerakan tersebut tidak dapat terus berkembang dan akhirnya hilang kesinambungan. Semenjak itu, gerakan mahasiswa telah melalui satu tempoh hibernasi yang berpanjangan, sehingga kewujudan beberapa pertubuhan mahasiswa yang lebih progresif pada beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini. Pertubuhan-pertubuhan tersebut keluar dari menara gading untuk berhubungkait dengan masyarakat, lalu memberi kritikan sosial dan membuat kerja membina masyarakat. Generasi ini secara umumnya terpengaruh dengan kebangkitan dan perkembangan gerakan NGO semasa. Pertubuhan-pertubuhan mahasiswa ini telah mencadangkan pembentukan gerakan masyarakat sivil yang sedar diri dan berautonomi untuk memperkasakan kuasa rakyat, menyekat dan mengimbangkan kerajaan. Sesetengah pertubuhan akar umbi mahasiswa yang mempercayai keutamaan kepada rakyat komuniti mula ditubuhkan dan aktif mempromosikan gerakan rakyat yang sedar dan berautonomi untuk menyelamatkan diri di dalam komuniti.

Gerakan reformasi pada tahun 1998 meningkatkan lagi perpaduan di kalangan pertubuhan mahasiswa pelbagai bangsa yang berani mengkritik gejala rasuah dan penyelewengan kuasa yang melanda di negara kita. Ciri anti-demokrasi kerajaan yang mencabuli hak asasi manusia dan menyalah guna perundangan telah didedahkan apabila mahasiswa menyaksikan bagaimana klik berkuasa memperalatkan jentera negara (polis, mahkamah, media massa, dan sebagainya) untuk menumpaskan musuh politik dalam insiden 1998. Mahasiswa juga sedar bahawa kepentingan mengukuhkan kerja mengorganisasi rakyat (termasuk mahasiswa sendiri) sebagai syarat asas yang wajib demi mempromosikan gerakan masyarakat untuk jangka panjang. Sesetengah pertubuhan mahasiswa membentangkan keperluan penggabungan gerakan mahasiswa dengan gerakan sosial apabila mereka kembali ke kampus. Mereka juga percaya bahawa gerakan mahasiswa harus mengutamakan rakyat dan berasaskan komuniti demi menunjukkan kekuatan sebenar.

Di samping usaha SUARAM, suatu kekuatan mahasiswa yang maju dari golongan aktivis mahasiswa Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) turut memainkan peranan utama dalam menggerakkan SUARAM di Johor. Sejak ditubuhkan, SUARAM Johor Bahru telah menjalankan banyak program berkaitan dengan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia, dan menolong golongan tertindas berjuang menuntut hak-hak mereka.

Demi memenuhi keperluan semasa dan pembangunan kerja-kerja pertubuhan akar umbi, SUARAM menubuhkan satu "Jawatankuasa Kerja Sahabat SURAM" secara rasmi pada hari ini selepas melalui satu tempoh persiapan dan persediaan. Keahlian Jawatankuasa Kerja tersebut termasuk bekas anggota Parti Buruh, bekas tahanan politik, bekas aktivis kesatuan sekerja, aktivis pendidikan Bahasa Cina, tokoh demokrat sosial dan golongan belia berpengetahuan. Penubuhan Jawatankuasa Kerja tersebut bermakna bahawa ramai aktivis reformasi sosial dari generasi tua yang pernah aktif dan banyak berkorban (sehingga sanggup mengorbankan nyawa) telah bebas dari kesesatan dan kemurungan yang lepas. Mereka telah menentukan hala tuju dan arah ke masa depan dan akan meneruskan kerja yang belum disempurnakan. Ini juga bermakna ramai generasi muda yang berani menuntut keadilan dan reformasi masyarakat memperolehi sokongan dan bantuan daripada generasi tua. Maka, mereka pasti akan maju dan berkembang dengan lagi mantap dan menyerlahkan kebijaksanaan yang lebih matang dan kekutan yang lebih besar.

Dengan ini, SUARAM Johor Bahru mengumumkan bahawa:
  • 1. Jawatankuasa Kerja ini akan berusaha menuntut hak asasi manusia dan mempromosikan gerakan hak asasi manusia berdasarkan piawaian dalam "Deklarasi Hak Asasi Manusia Sedunia" yang diluluskan oleh PBB dan "Piagam Hak Asasi Manusia Malaysia" yang ditandatangani bersama oleh NGO-NGO dalam negeri, di samping mengikut prinsip panduan yang dibentukkan dalam idealisme hak asasi manusia moden yang dibangunkan dalam proses pelaksanaan rakyat sedunia.
  • 2. Jawatankuasa Kerja ini akan menubuhkan beberapa "Pusat Perhubungan Sahabat SUARAM" yang berfungsi sebagai basis penggerak program dan aktiviti berdasarkan keadaan objektif tempatan dalam negeri ini; di kawasan yang belum mempunyai syarat untuk menubuhkan "Pusat Perhubungan" setakay ini, menubuhkan "stesen Perhubungan" (tidak ada pusat, hanya menggunakan rumah, pejabat atau tempat awam) yang berfungsi sebagai pusat pertukaran maklumat bagi para sukarelawan di pelbagai kawasan (pekan, daerah atau kampung); menarik penyertaan orang ramai yang ingin bekerja untuk hak asasi manusia supaya mendaftar (mengisi borang permohonan) sebagai "sukarelawan" agar menjadi kekuatan baru "SUARAM" dan NGO.
  • 3. Jawatankuasa Kerja ini menyetujui  pendapat dan pendirian dalam kertas kerja bertajuk " Racial eyesores on the Malaysian landscape” yang dibentang oleh Dr. Kua Kia Soong, pengarah "SUARAM"; Jawatankuasa Kerja ini menyokong agar pandangan dan pendirian tersebut dijadikan sebagai pelan dan program tindakan awal "SUARAM", pertubuhan-pertubuhan bukan kerajaan (NGO) dan penyokong NGO seluruh negara; Jawatankuasa Kerja ini akan terus berusaha membuat sumbangan yang sewajarnya dengan memperkayakan dan memajukan program tindakan awal tersebut bersama-sama dengan semua NGO dan penyokong NGO seluruh negara.

 Demikianlah deklarasi kami.

柔佛州“人民之友工委会”成立宣言


柔佛州“人民之友工委会”成立宣言
2001年9月9日

【“大马人民之声”新山支会在2001年9月9日宣布第一届柔州人民之友工委会正式成立。

第一届工委是冯国华、赖运鸿、韩佑平、陈炳新、陈辛、陈传兴、罗明亮、许日义、姚和洋、谢映红、陈青、林文发、王志龙、王为胜、朱信杰、郑舒涵、吴振宇、陈顺杰、黄贵文、杨敦祥、罗家梁以及邓晓璇,共22位。工委会推举吴维湘与杨培根为顾问。

所有工委在当晚正式宣誓就职,并宣读以下宣言全文,准备在今后献身推动大马民主人权的工作。】


人权运动在18、19世纪局限在欧美主要资本主义国家,到20世纪扩展到世界各国,尤其是发展中国家。1948年《世界人权宣言》发表以来,成为国际人权运动的一面旗帜,把各种不同的人权运动,汇合成一股强大的潮流。半个世纪以来,我国的一些政党和民间组织在各个不同领域,推展各种各样争取人权的工作与斗争。到了1994年,国内才有超过50个积极先进的非政府组织,经过一番努力,联合签署了《马来西亚人权宪章》,为维护和发展大马人权工作而共同奋斗!

1965年2月13日, 是老一辈维护民主与人权的大马进步人士尤其是前劳工党人难以忘怀的日子。许多老一辈人士都还记得,当时的联盟政府为了维护与巩固对大马的统治,不断剥夺人民基本权利(也就是“人权”),不断采取逮捕和镇压行动。因此,当时主要由劳工党与人民党所组成的马来亚人民社会主义阵线(简称“社阵”),适应形势要求,而定下2月13日为“争取人权日”, 发动和领导了全国党员干部和群众,从各地集中到吉隆坡,在当天展开一场激动人心的示威游行,表达了人民长久以来积压在心头的不满和愤恨,创造了大马群众斗争的一个光辉范例。

20世纪60年代末,在联盟政府全面镇压的情况下,当时作为改革运动主要领导者的劳工党,决定抵制1969年全国大选。虽然没有明文交代,这个决定和行动,实际上等于是放弃议会斗争。基本上,大马的改革运动在“5•13”事件以后,进入一个相当漫长的低潮时期。这个时期,正是国阵政府在政治、经济、 文化、教育以及社会领域,贯彻种族主义与种族歧视政策的大好时机。这个时期,也就是以巫统为中心的统治集团实施和延续“新经济政策”的几近30年的漫长时间。

1997年金融风暴以后,马来族群普遍上有了新的醒觉,他们看清了新经济政策实施了30年,最大的得利者是统治精英和他们的朋党,这些人掌控国家资源,利用最好机会,累积钜大财富,无顾人民死活。马来中下层也跟其他族群一样,生活一天比一天难过。他们不得不怒吼了!巫统的根基于是动摇!

今天,以巫统为主导的国阵政府面对挑战、处境艰难,已有迹象显示,他们的统治精英正在部署,朝向独裁专制道路,一步一步走下去。在国外表现“反对霸权主义”的国家领导人,早已脱下外衣,露出他的霸权主义本色。近来,人们不断听说,“反对政府是犯法行为”、“游行示威不是我国文化”、“有人阴谋暴力推翻政府”等等,看来还有更多跟这种论调相配合的行动在后头。相信大马人民不会愿意看到,60年代的全面专横镇压、堵塞宪制道路的事件,又一次在国内重演。

尽管当权者耍弄恐吓、讹诈和欺骗等等伎俩,在一些情况下,能使他们的计谋得逞,其种族主义和种族歧视政策,由于跟广大各族人民利益相对应,势必遭受越来越广泛、越来越激烈的反抗和斗争,最终一定彻底失败。这是不以任何人的意志为转移的客观事实和发展规律。

针对大马的种族主义和种族歧视,“大马人民之声”主任柯嘉逊博士,今年2月间在国内非政府组织举行的会议上发表了一篇工作论文。《当今大马》电子报(Malaysiakini.com)在3月27日与28日,以《大马景观中的种族性的丑陋东西》(Racial eyesores on the Malaysian landscape)为标题,分为两个部分上网。

柯嘉逊博士这篇文章,是为了配合联合国在南非的德班(Durban)举行反对种族主义世界大会而写的,主要目的是,向全世界各个国家和人民,表达我国人民的明确合理的意愿和诉求。柯嘉逊博士在文章中,明确指出:当权者实行已久的“种族固打制”,是完全违反我国宪法精神的措施。柯嘉逊博士在文章中,提出关于政治制度、经济发展、社会发展、教育以及文化五大部分,总共35点意见和主张,希望所有渴望和平与自由的大马人民共同努力,反对种族主义和种族歧视,争取非种族性的解决方案。

“大马人民之声”是在1987年政府进行逮捕镇压 (总共扣留106人的所谓“茅草行动”)下的产物。它是由当时的政治被扣者家属支援团,联合一些被释放的政治被扣者以及人权工作积极分子,在1989年成立、旨在废除内安法令的一个组织。经过逾10年的努力和考验,这个当初始於单一课题活动的组织,如今已发展为大马人权工作和社会运动的其中一个领导组织, 在国内和国外受到肯定和认同。

70年代是我国学生运动的高峰时期,他们凭着满怀的热忱与理想,为当时的弱势族群及被压迫者请命。然而,这场运动却在联盟政府的高度打压下,面对了挫折。1974年 实施的大专法令,就是那个年代下的产物,也是这场运动的结束。由于当时的学运是一种突发性的不满运动,并缺乏长远性与组织性的策略,导致学生运动无法持续 发展及面对断层的问题。之后,学生运动经历了一段漫长的冬眠时期,一直到最近几年才出现一些较前进的学生组织。他们走出象牙塔,接触社会,并进行一些社会 批判与建设工作。这批新生代普遍上受到当时正蓬勃发展的非政府组织运动的影响。这些组织纷纷提出了建立自觉自主的公民社会运动,以壮大人民力量、制衡国家 政府。 一些相信以社区人民为主的草根性学生组织开始成立,并积极推动社区自觉自立的人民自救运动。

1998年 的烈火莫息改革运动,更进一步提升各族学生组织的团结,批判国家的贪污滥权及腐败。学生在这事件上目睹了执政集团如何滥用国家机关(警察、法庭、媒体等) 来打压政敌,凸显出政府的不民主以及严重侵犯人权法治黑暗的一面。学生也从中认识到有关加强人民组织工作(包括学生本身)的重要性,作为推动更长远的社会 运动的必要基础。一些学生组织也在回到校园后提出了有关结合学生运动与社会运动的需要性。他们也认为学生运动必须要以人民为主、以社区为基础,才能发挥实 际的力量。

除了“大马人民之声”的努力以外,一股来自工艺大学活动圈正成长中的学生力量更扮演了推动柔佛州“大马人民之声”的主要推动者。“大马人民之声”(新山支会)自成立以来,已推动了许多有关民主人权的活动,并协助那些受压迫者争取他们的权利。

为了适应当前形势的需要以及发展草根组织的工作,“大马人民之声”经过一个时期的酝酿与筹备今天在柔佛州正式成立了一个“人民之友工委会”。 这个工委会的成员,包括了前劳工党人、前政治扣留者、前职工运动者、华教工作者、社会民主人士以及大专知识青年。它的成立,意味着许多曾经积极参与、付出 不少代价(甚至准备献身)的老一辈的社会改革工作者,摆脱过去的迷思与苦闷,确定今后的方向和出路,一如既往继续进行他们尚未完成的工作;这也意味着许多 勇于追求正义、敢于改革社会的新生代,有着老前辈的扶持和帮助,今后必定更稳健成长壮大,而发挥更高的智慧和更大的力量。

“大马人民之声”(新山支会)谨此宣布:

(一) 这个工委会将会根据联合国通过的《世界人权宣言》及国内非政府组织联合签署的《马来西亚人权宪章》所规定的共同标准,并且按照世界人民在实践中发展起来的现代人权理想所确立的指导原则,为争取人权实现、推进人权运动作些努力。

(二) 这个工委会将会根据州内各地的客观形势和客观条件,先后成立一些“人民之友联络所”作为发挥带动作用的工作和活动基地;暂时没有条件成立“联络所”的地区,成立“联络站”(没有会所,借用住家或办公室或公共场所),作为各个地方(市、县或乡)人民之友联络中心,以便交流讯息;广泛吸收愿意为人 权而工作的人士,正式登记(填写申请表格)成为“人民之友”,作为“大马人民之声”和非政府组织的生力军。

(三) 工委会赞同“大马人民之声”主任柯嘉逊博士在《反对大马种族主义和种族歧视,争取非种族性的解决方案》这篇工作论文所表达的意见和主张;工委会赞同这些意见和主张,作为“大马人民之声”以至全国非政府组织及支持者的初步拟议的行动纲领;工委会将会跟全国非政府组织及支持者站在一起,继续努力,为丰富和发展这个初步拟议的行动纲领,作为应有的贡献。

这就是我们的宣言。

Friday, 12 January 2007

JOINT STATEMENT:恢复母语教学!

我国首相阿都拉在1028日(星期天)出席马华、商联会及华总多个团体所联办的《扎根50载》文化大汇演上,宣布2008小六评估考试,将会继续维持双语出题。次日,教育部长希山幕丁也随着和首相一唱一,并加以补充英化数理政策将会等到适当的时候,才全面落实。


为何一个影响整个国家教育制度的走向,全掌握在一个人的手中?当初设下的五年目标难道只是在纸上谈兵?这样的一个制度,五年何时了?难道还要我们的儿女继续痛苦五年吗?

我们相信这个突然的决定全都是因为全体家长、教育团体、在野党和非政府组织的全面反对地下,才逼得政府暂时以双语出题,免得失去支持者。这都是出至于政治的考量,完全没有顾及到那些被这政策地下白白牺牲的小孩们。

无论如何,双语政策只是治标不治本。我们坚持反对政治议决。这五年来已经证明了这个政策是失败的,所以必须立刻废除。唯有恢复母语教学媒介语才是最佳的良药。唯有这个方式,才能挽救未来的小孩们。

因此,我们来自各非政府组织和在野党列下三大要点:


1)
我们呼吁政府立刻废除“数理英化政策”。

2)
我们呼吁政府各源流小学如国小、华小以及淡米尔小,以恢复母语为教学媒介语。

3) 我们也呼吁所有关心母语教育的朋友们继续捍卫和互相支援,让我们的孩子们能快乐学习和成长。

Badan-badan NGO, parti dan pertubuhan seperti berikut:

1) Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) cawangan Johor Bahru :

Nyam Kee Han, h/p: 016-7782707

2) Persahabatan Semparuthi Johor Bahru :

Mohan, h/p no: 017-7540597

3) Dewan Pemuda PAS Negeri Johor (DPPNJ) :

Nazman, h/p: 013-7207883

4) Parti Keadilan Johor, Bahagian Senai :

Liew Shin Kheong, h/p: 019-7553486

5) Yayasan Amal (Johor) :

Ismail Ali, h/p: 019-75533161


通告 Notification


成立18周年纪念,9月21日举办论坛

我们决定举办“‘509改朝换代’马哈迪当政,民主改革运动前进抑或倒退?”论坛与自由餐会,作为我们今年(2019年)纪念人民之友成立18周年的活动内容。以下4名专人欣然接受作为论坛的主讲人:
  • 兴权会2.0领导乌达雅古玛 (P. Uthayakumar)
  • 人权律师西蒂卡欣 (Siti Kasim)
  • 自由撰稿人及评论人唐南发(Josh Hong)
  • 媒体工作者及评论人蓝志锋(Lum Chih Feng)
4名主讲人将针对论坛主题分别出具论文,发表讲话,并回答现场问题。我们会在论坛过后,将主讲人的专题文章和讲话视频,上载到人民之友部落格(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com),供公众阅览。我们希望通过此论坛激发更多的民主党团领导、学者、各阶层人士,共同为我国民主改革运动做出更大的努力和贡献。

论坛举办日期:2019年9月21日(星期六),时间:下午2:00—5:30时分,地点:柔佛古来,新国泰餐馆。论坛结束后才进行简单的自由餐会,同时进行互相交流。我们欢迎关心我国政治发展的公众人士前来聆听论坛主讲人的演讲并参加自由餐会(入场免费,但请事先报名参加,以便准备食物。有意参加者请填上表格https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6或联系以下负责人)。

9月9日张贴一篇具参考价值英译文章

我们已在今年9月9日(成立纪念日)这天,发表人民之友秘书处委派人员翻译的一篇新加坡前工会领袖庄明湖2013年所撰写的《廿世纪六十年代新加坡左派工运遭遇问题探索(续篇)》(原是华文版)的英文译稿,作为人民之友18周年纪念的一个献礼——提供一个新马人民反殖独立运动遭遇敌人从内部破坏的历史殷鉴,为在9月21日举行的论坛所探索的现实课题,增添一份具有启示意义的参考材料。

“人民之友”是一个着重促进我国民主人权运动的思想交流平台。人民之友工委会都是义务的自愿工作者,我们坚持独立自主的立场,我们采取自力更生、节约苦干的方针,为推动我国民主人权运动朝向正确方向发展而奋斗。我们欢迎“有心人”赞助我们的这项活动及其他工作,有意赞助者请联系:

(1)朱信杰 017-7721511
(2)钟立薇 012-7177187
(3)吴振宇 013-7778320


Forum to be held on 21 September in commemoration of 18th anniversary

We will be organising “Mahathir returns to power after regime change in the 14th General Election, A progression or regression of the democratic reform movement?” forum cum buffet in commemoration of our 18th Anniversary. The following 4 experts have accepted the invitation to become our panel speakers:
  • P. Uthayakumar – Leader of Hindraf 2.0
  • Siti Kasim – Human rights lawyer
  • Josh Hong - Freelance writer and commentator
  • Lum Chih Feng – Media worker and commentator
All 4 panel speakers will present papers, deliver speeches and answer questions on the theme of the forum. After the event, we will also be uploading the paper and video of the speeches of the panel speakers to Sahabat Rakyat blog(sahabatrakyatmy.blogspot.com)as reference material for the public. Through this forum, we hope to inspire more leaders of democratic parties, organisations, scholars and peoples of all walks of life to make more contribution to the democratic reform movement of our country.

Particulars of the event are as follows:
Date: 21 September 2019 (Saturday)
Time: 2:00pm – 5:30pm
Venue: Cathay Restaurant Kulai, Johor
Buffet will start upon the completion of the forum, concurrent with the sharing session
. We welcome all who are concerned with the political developments in Malaysia to attend this event and join the buffet meal. (Admission is free, but please register in advance so that we can make necessary arrangement for food. If you are interested, please fill in https://forms.gle/SWbjEaiwNikEUiKF6or contact person in charge below)

9 September - Published the English rendition of an article of value for reference

On 9 September this year (the actual day of our anniversary), we had published an English rendition of the "Probing into the sufferings of Singapore's left-wing labour movement in the 1960s (Part II)" originally written in Chinese by Chng Min Oh, a former trade union leader in Singapore on Sahabat Rakyat blog, as a gift of our anniversary. This English rendition was translated by personnel delegated by the Secretariat of Sahabat Rakyat. This article provides a historical lesson learned about the destruction bore from within of the anti-colonial independence movement of the people of Malaya and Singapore plotted by the enemy, and constitutes revelatory reference material to the realistic issues that this coming forum is probing into.

Sahabat Rakyat is an ideological exchange platform that focuses on promoting democratic human rights movement in our country. All committee members of Sahabat Rakyat are volunteers. We adhere to the stance of being independent and autonomous, we adopt the principle of being self-reliant, thrifty and hard work, and strive to promote the development of the democratic human rights movement toward the right direction.
We welcome those who are generous hearted to sponsor this event and other work that we carry out. For those who are interested to sponsor, please contact:

(1)Choo Shinn Chei 017-7721511
(2)Cheng Lee Whee 012-7177187
(3)Ngo Jian Yee 013-7778320


此外,现居新加坡的庄明湖已将他在《人民之友》发表的《20世纪60年代新加坡左派工运问题探索》(正篇)一文的英文译稿传送到编辑部,因原文中所述人物的姓名或者是党团工会组织的全称或简称,在译文中尚未解决或有待查证,需要一些时日来完成——人民之友工委都是自愿挤出时间来进行工作的,因而无法很快完成。经过一番努力,我们终于在9月30日刊出,为我们的17周年纪念增添光彩!

值得在此一提的是,庄文所述的20世纪60年代新加坡工运遭遇问题(除了遭受来自外部的镇压,还要遭遇来自内部的破坏)的见解,或许能为一些读者(特别是不谙华文和不懂新马历史的读者)思考马来西亚民主改革运动在当前阶段面临马哈迪主义复辟的问题,提供一个历史殷鉴,或者是一个新的启示。


Malaysia Time (GMT+8)